tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-62681670254558676332024-02-19T03:55:56.710+00:00Thegns of MerciaUK Midlands-based group dedicated to exploring Anglo-Saxon and 'Viking-Age' history 449 - 1066 AD. www.thegns.orgÆd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comBlogger110125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-46370286527079983962021-02-08T13:58:00.007+00:002021-02-08T13:59:38.599+00:00We've Migrated !<h1 style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEinHMw8_FQV46YvS_J6PVv9_xLw6b5-tj0dFhAWK2isDjTrRNP5Jr_KB171HKdedzC544MosTw6dp3LTeUvC_3Pg7qepAo4oIiSuC8JDC1wd8yi4pFsF-unvPMWMfSnPtAm8HPVTzam2MQ/s755/LYIM9560+%25282%2529.JPG" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="755" data-original-width="755" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEinHMw8_FQV46YvS_J6PVv9_xLw6b5-tj0dFhAWK2isDjTrRNP5Jr_KB171HKdedzC544MosTw6dp3LTeUvC_3Pg7qepAo4oIiSuC8JDC1wd8yi4pFsF-unvPMWMfSnPtAm8HPVTzam2MQ/s320/LYIM9560+%25282%2529.JPG" /></a></div> We've Migrated !</h1><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: large;">After many years of keeping this blog going in the background, with changes to blogger and this place looking a little tired, we've decided to relocate to a new blog within our main website.</span><br /><span style="font-size: large;">Future articles discussing history, archaeology and culture of the "Anglo-Saxon" and "Viking" Ages will be available at </span><b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><span><a href="http://www.thegns.org/blog">www.thegns.org/blog</a></span> </span></b><span style="font-size: large;">alongside some 'remastered' versions of some of our more recent posts here.</span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><br /><br /><div><br /></div>Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-84733006963087731942020-05-19T14:58:00.000+01:002020-05-19T14:59:42.839+01:00Calm down about the Pipe Lady<span style="font-size: xx-small;">A photo of an Anglo-Saxon skeleton skewered by a pipe has gone viral. But it’s not the scandal you’re looking for. </span><br />
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Can we all please calm down about the pipe lady?</b></span><br />
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Recently a photo of an intact early Anglo-Saxon skeleton absolutely skewered by a modern cable or pipe, has gone viral. It’s a powerful photo emblematic of the trampling of heritage by modernity, and brutal disrespect of human remains. Except it isn’t.....<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_6FNElDP_LEzjKVR40hHe2GTJMvUs9q751tX1PoZPGZkKILA3so73WX9j48d6X7ReL8LD1FwZxli4P8q3JoF4Q6zuzEc_hy22NEsEJi1jAHWXt1D2OoSnjtoDL-tEO9IEQ0RjWEJ9ApE/s1600/54B67D21-EA60-466E-8FD6-31AEAF90CF8F.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="413" data-original-width="640" height="257" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_6FNElDP_LEzjKVR40hHe2GTJMvUs9q751tX1PoZPGZkKILA3so73WX9j48d6X7ReL8LD1FwZxli4P8q3JoF4Q6zuzEc_hy22NEsEJi1jAHWXt1D2OoSnjtoDL-tEO9IEQ0RjWEJ9ApE/s400/54B67D21-EA60-466E-8FD6-31AEAF90CF8F.jpeg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Early Anglo Saxon burial (Oakington, Cambs) bisected by modern utility pipe</td></tr>
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These viral posts, with less and less backstory with every share and retweet, are wilfully sensationalist and misleading.<br />
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The skeleton - of a 6th century Anglo-Saxon adult female with grave goods - was discovered during excavation of an Early Anglo-Saxon cemetery in Oakington, Cambridgeshire, by archaeologists of Manchester Metropolitan, and Central Lancashire universities, in 2014. Their dig, which spanned multiple seasons from 2012-14, featured in Series 3 episode 1 of “Digging for Britain”.<br />
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Presence of an early Anglo-Saxon cemetery had been known since 1938, and excavations in 1993 uncovered a further 25 burials, together with settlement evidence, within recreational ground along one of the village’s minor roads. However, the full extent of the cemetery had, for most of the last century, not been known, and residents of the village, businesses, and utility companies got on with their lives.<br />
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The particular burial in question (grave 116- nicknamed “Piper”) uncovered during the 2014 excavation, was very close to the modern road, which modern underground infrastructure supplying the village follows. The skeleton was found with a small-long brooch on each shoulder, and an expensive large cruciform brooch face down, indicating she had been buried in a peplos dress and centrally pinned cloak. She also had wrist-clasps representing a sleeved dress beneath the peplos, and had swags of glass and amber beads.<br />
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The now infamous yellow pipe, we understand to likely be a gas line, which had been installed by the standard practice of directional drilling. This involves machinery tunnelling a long route for pipes, between small access trenches, minimising the disruption that would be associated with the more obvious and low-tech “cut and fill” method for laying pipes. Although geophysical sensing methods are used to scout for anomalies, hazards, or archaeological remains ahead of the drilling, these cannot reliably detect human bone, and it is overwhelmingly likely that the installer of the pipe was entirely unaware they had punched through a 1500-year-old burial.<br />
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The archaeologists noted during the 13-hour excavation how impressively the boring of the pipe had punched through cleanly, with minimal disruption to the burial, and missing the grave-goods by a matter of centimetres.<br />
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Respectful treatment of human remains is certainly desirable, and an increasingly important priority for archaeologists conducting excavations. No archaeologist or engineer would want to see an ancient burial skewered in this way. What happened to “Piper” was obviously unfortunate, but was almost certainly an unavoidable accident, and not a wanton act of ignorance and desecration.<br />
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Excavation discussed at: <a href="https://boneswithoutbarriers.org/blog/grave-116-1404828702">https://boneswithoutbarriers.org/blog/grave-116-1404828702</a>Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-32450788356975179712020-05-16T23:20:00.000+01:002020-05-17T00:07:02.336+01:00There are FIVE Anglo-Saxon Helmets<span style="color: white; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">Only five helmets; and the Staffordshire Helm isnt one of them. -------------------</span></b></span></span><br />
<b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"> </span>Opinion: There are FIVE Anglo-Saxon Helmets (and the Staffordshire Helm isn’t one of them) </span></b><br />
- A corpus review & quibbling rant by Æd Thompson<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Sutton Hoo Helmet (reconstr.) - <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sutton_Hoo_helmet#/media/File:Sutton_Hoo_helmet_2016.png" target="_blank">Wikimedia Commons</a></td></tr>
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Few archaeological finds are as evocative as helmets - many items of war-gear can help paint a picture of ancient battlefields, but in framing (or in some cases directly representing) the face, helmets help to humanise warriors from centuries past. This is particularly ironic given that, at least in some cases, helmets in antiquity were designed to create an intimidating sense of “otherness”, occupying the “uncanny valley” between metalwork and man. It is in our nature to recognise and emotionally respond to faces, and it is hard to stare into the eyes of the Sutton Hoo helmet and not feel as though you have, in some sense, met a person, rather than simply viewed an archaeological artefact. No surprise then, that over and above all the other treasures in that unprecedented burial panoply (including some with considerably higher bullion value) it is the helmet from Sutton Hoo that has become emblematic of the assemblage, and the most enduring symbol both of Anglo-Saxon material culture, and even of British history itself. <br />
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The Anglo-Saxon period in Britain spanned six centuries, and although it is unfairly reductive to characterise it purely as a time of war, it is undoubtedly true that regular clashes between well-equipped armies peppered the period and dictated the convoluted path taken from locally identifying post-Roman communities to a coherent united England. The scale of Anglo-Saxon armies continues to be debated, and it is not entirely clear how well equipped they were, but archaeological discoveries in recent decades have provided abundant examples of war-gear – especially weapons – to inform our image of Anglo-Saxon warriors. Such gear is most abundant from the early period (5-7th centuries) thanks to grave goods from the ultimately doomed furnished-burial rite, but even from these centuries, that most evocative item of war-gear, the helmet, is exquisitely rare. We just don’t have many examples. There’s a bigger problem though; we don’t even know how many examples we have. Almost all running totals are wrong. <br />
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The relatively short supply of Anglo-Saxon helmets might be disappointing to reenactors, book cover artists and historic drama costume departments, but it’s not all that surprising. Helmets are surprisingly rare in general. Even Roman helmets are unaccountably rare finds, especially considering the reach and longevity of the empire whose army peaked at around half a million, well equipped soldiers spread across Europe, western Asia and North Africa. The rarity of helmets (and other armour) in the archaeological record can for the most part be explained by the not-so-new concept of recycling; an old, broken or rusty helmet would always have represented a significant mass of valuable iron which could be reworked into new items; prior to relatively recent times with reasonably abundant supply of industrially produced metals, the recycling of such material would have always been worthwhile. As such, at least with respect to Anglo-Saxon helmets (and other large iron items) the only ones which survive for us to examine are those which were accidentally lost, hidden and never retrieved, or in most cases deliberately given-up, by the living, during funerary rites. That’s the more important and more boring matter dealt with. But I didn’t start writing this to wrestle with difficult and impactful questions concerning the availability of Anglo-Saxon military equipment; I’d much rather quibble over accounting. So let me explain why everyone’s got the count of Anglo-Saxon helmets wrong. <br />
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How Many Helmets? </h3>
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Depending on which book you’re reading, there are either three, four, five, or six Anglo-Saxon helmets. This is determined by how recent the source is, and/or whether the author has bothered to verify this factoid before copying it wholesale from another publication. There are a number of other helmets which orbit these “official” ones but are typically not included because their provenance or identity cannot be verified. There’s also the murky question of what makes something “Anglo-Saxon” – and given we can’t even agree on that when it comes to the culture as a whole or any people within it, it’s a can of worms when generic items of approximately early medieval-looking iron turn up out of context. There is no “carbon-dating” for metal, and although analytical techniques (particularly X-Ray Refraction / XRF) can establish whether an item has the chemical makeup consistent with medieval (but also other) wrought irons, it is currently not possible to narrow objects down to particular time-periods or sources. The few verified examples are quite varied in construction, and there is no especially distinctive quirk to the way in which Anglo-Saxon smiths riveted pieces of iron together, compared to other cultures, so subtract the characteristically Anglo-Saxon but presumably rare decoration seen on the Sutton Hoo or Coppergate helms, and Anglo-Saxon helms sit in continuity with those of other periods and cultures. As such, context is critical. <br />
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Here’s the official corpus up to 2009, in order of their excavation (but not identification); for reasons which will be discussed further down, after 2009 things become a bit of a mess.<br />
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<span class="st">• </span>The Benty Grange Helmet. <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Monyash, Derbyshire. 1848. </span></i></h4>
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Discovered during excavation of a “tumulus” in the “bleak” situation of Benty Grange Farm on the ancient road between Ashbourne and Buxton, by 19th century antiquarian Thomas Bateman, the Benty Grange helmet was the greatest of a small number of extant (if highly degraded) grave-goods from what had been a high status, lone mid 7th century burial. The broad but low burial mound also yielded remains of a silver-bound cup, a mass of iron chainwork with hay-fork-like hanging attachment (most likely analogous to the elaborate hook-piece of the Sutton Hoo Mound 1 cauldron-chain), and some small fragments of what had once been an Anglo-Saxon hanging bowl, of the type common in 7th century “chieftain” burials. Although excavated before the advent of modern archaeology, we know far more than other Anglo-Saxon burials excavated in the 19th century thanks to the methodical and meticulous approach employed by Bateman and his colleagues – which included David Llewelyn Jewitt, tasked with producing highly detailed watercolours of all the finds as they appeared when they came out of the ground. The assemblage of finds is highly suggestive of a high status, perhaps even “royal” burial, but this sits uncomfortably with its remote position and conspicuous lack of weapons – the context may have been robbed in antiquity. </blockquote>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgihOMXbG-W_glhohBSybh1AzkShcItv1AnWvVebYFjTMaCV0ef2o09gbPPfD1pfjWdOpEfaX-b8iobXXgYHHueXPRQ1kILUVHC4218NlLAB4_IPC4bOV6fkn3PjKzTDdyX-jgMrDmMOhw/s1600/21370867_1416786115101818_898816270198093594_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="960" data-original-width="720" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgihOMXbG-W_glhohBSybh1AzkShcItv1AnWvVebYFjTMaCV0ef2o09gbPPfD1pfjWdOpEfaX-b8iobXXgYHHueXPRQ1kILUVHC4218NlLAB4_IPC4bOV6fkn3PjKzTDdyX-jgMrDmMOhw/s640/21370867_1416786115101818_898816270198093594_n.jpg" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Thegns of Mercia reinterpretation of the Benty Grange Helmet (2018)</td></tr>
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The helmet itself comprised of a framework of thin iron strips riveted together, surmounted by a boar-figure which further analysis showed was built of copper-alloy beneath shaped iron shells, with gilded silver spots, and fierce lentoid cabochon garnet eyes set within gold filigree. Preserved texture on the iron was quickly identified as having come from horn plates, long rotted away, which would have spanned the framework to produce a complete dome, with the gaps between them, running along the iron frame, covered by additional horn strips in a complimentary arrangement held on by centrally-placed domed rivets with decorative double-axe-headed rivet caps. Additional silver elements included a cross on the nasal surrounded by a carefully planned arrangement of studs, and a further array of flakes of silver foil (not extant or collected, but mentioned in Bateman’s diary) providing the tantalising possibility that the helmet was further augmented with pressblech foils (as shown on our reproduction). Until the lacklustre announcement of the Shorwell helm, the Benty Grange Helmet held the title of least appreciated Anglo-Saxon helm and is grossly underrated, not least due to the sorry state of its remains. It is further affected by the mistaken assumption that a helmet that makes substantial use of organic materials must inevitably be a poorer or less expensive object. In fact, already comprised of a substantial mass of iron (as well as silver) anyway, the organic components of the helmet – perhaps up to eight full-sized ox-horns that would otherwise have made elite drinking vessels like those in Taplow, Prittelwell and Sutton Hoo, would have represented an enormous investment, far exceeding the paltry mass of iron which would be required to infill the helmet bowl with iron plates; this costly design choice cannot be accounted for by a lack of access to iron. The helmet is difficult to fit into the typology of European helmets from antiquity and the early medieval period, and is most (although very uncomfortably) comparable to the early 6th century boy’s spangenhelm from Cologne, due to its use of horn plates as infill.</blockquote>
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<span class="st">•</span> The Sutton Hoo Helmet. <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Mound 1, Sutton Hoo. </span><span style="font-weight: normal;">Woodbridge, Suffolk. 1939. </span></i></h4>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4d/2004_sutton_hoo_01.JPG/1280px-2004_sutton_hoo_01.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="800" height="300" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4d/2004_sutton_hoo_01.JPG/1280px-2004_sutton_hoo_01.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Replica of Sutton Hoo Helmet - <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Replicas_of_the_Sutton_Hoo_helmet#/media/File:2004_sutton_hoo_01.JPG" target="_blank">Wikimedia Commons</a></td></tr>
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Discovered during the now legendary excavation of the intact royal ship burial, Mound 1 at Sutton Hoo, by Basil Brown and others, in 1939, the Sutton Hoo helmet is now the most familiar and enduring symbol of Anglo-Saxon archaeology. Though now so familiar, in fact, the helmet was discovered smashed into many pieces, and the importance of these fragments was not immediately realised. Reconstruction of the helmet from the jigsaw-puzzle of iron and bronze were attempted by Herbert Maryon from 1945-46, with the results put on display and widely praised, except among Swedish scholars familiar with the related helms of the Vendel-culture. Additional fragments were uncovered during re-excavations in 1967, which ultimately allowed for reconstruction of the now familiar design by Nigel Williams in 1971. A reproduction of the helmet in its full glory was quickly attempted by the Royal Armouries, and the helmet became an international sensation, although contrary to widespread understanding, some unresolved design problems still remain. </blockquote>
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A full discussion of the design of the Sutton Hoo helmet could form an entire article, or even a book in and of itself, but very briefly, the helmet we now know was approximately 2.5kg, made of iron covered with decorative pressblech foils of tinned bronze, producing a mostly silvery appearance. The face-plate bore a hollow gilded bronze nose, mouth, moustache, and boar-head tipped eyebrows augmented with garnet cloisonné arranged with a toothed beast-head between so that together they form a winged beast, kissing another which terminates the silver-wire inlaid crest. The helm is a unique variant of the “northern ridge helm” design most abundantly represented by similarly constructed and decorated helmets from high status eastern Swedish graves of the 6-8th centuries (Vendel Culture) and most of the other Anglo-Saxon examples, though its bowl, formed of two halves, is lower and more close-fitting than either Pioneer/Wollaston or Coppergate. Though often overstated, the cheek-guards and particularly the neck-guard, rather more than those of the Vendel culture, can be seen to be clearly derivative of late Roman designs. It is widely accepted that the helm was well designed and highly functional. Its decoration is without any overtly Christian motifs, and comprised entirely of designs consistent with late 6th to early 7th century Anglian art and (as far as we understand) Anglian mythology. </blockquote>
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<span class="st">•</span> The Coppergate Helmet. <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Coppergate, York. 1982. </span></i></h4>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhaTDmHodJuvnVo9o_gnJTElkMLDUSz6A4hGFUPAfV2tBh8Xk4iFt5FmB6srNTMbLth06p6acIQ2Ffw1lYNryMhBW6R1tlWQtA5eW5LIzXqdbJ0rKXAppulzuCmEr13NYKSgQxUXjjkJQ/s1600/IMG_3608.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1067" data-original-width="800" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhaTDmHodJuvnVo9o_gnJTElkMLDUSz6A4hGFUPAfV2tBh8Xk4iFt5FmB6srNTMbLth06p6acIQ2Ffw1lYNryMhBW6R1tlWQtA5eW5LIzXqdbJ0rKXAppulzuCmEr13NYKSgQxUXjjkJQ/s640/IMG_3608.JPG" width="476" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Our replica of the Coppergate Helm, by White Rose Armoury (circa 1986)</td></tr>
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The best preserved of the five, the Coppergate Helm was discovered during excavations in preparation for the building of the Coppergate Shopping Centre in York, when a mechanical digger hit a hard object which turned out to be the helmet, causing some damage. It was in a wood-lined pit approx. 1.4m long, together with a seemingly random collection of other objects including a weaving-sword, churn dasher, and various other small pieces of various materials. From the context it seemed this highly valuable object had been hidden, in a place otherwise used to throw rubbish, with the intention of being retrieved later. <br />
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The helmet is of well-worked iron embellished with cast brass decoration, including wonderful interlace on the long outward-jutting nasal, eyebrows terminating in boar heads (more atrophied than those of Sutton Hoo) and a crossing, concave crest bearing a Latin, Christian prayer inscription, terminating in a single dragon-head between the eyebrows. The bowl is comprised of a broad rectangular nose-to-nape band supplemented by lateral pieces, and then a quartered arrangement of infill plates, unlike the half-dome arrangement of Sutton Hoo; this approach produces a somewhat higher and “squarer” dome which is shared by the remarkably similar, though earlier, Wollaston helmet. The deep cheek-pieces which would have protected the vulnerable blood vessels of the upper throat, hang from complex but undisguised iron hinges, while the neck is protected, uniquely (at least in England) by a hanging curtain of forge-welded mail. As with Sutton Hoo, the Coppergate Helm could be the subject of an entire article itself (and indeed, the seminal work on the subject (The Anglian Helmet from 16-22 Coppergate, Dominic Tweddle, 1992) remains the best starting-point for any study of early Medieval helmets). <br />
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The helmet was unquestionably a princely possession manufactured in 8th century Northumbria. The history of Northumbria in the 8th-9th centuries was extremely turbulent, and it is tempting, if fanciful, to imagine this helmet (an heirloom and badge of Northumbrian royal status) being squirreled away, out of sight, around the time of the Viking capture of York in 866. </blockquote>
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<h4>
<span class="st">•</span> The Wollaston / Pioneer Helmet,<i><span style="font-weight: normal;"> Wollaston, Northamptonshire. 1997. </span></i></h4>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgPm3iRNk7hwg3eV1wsqrkolNI8XM6me5lK18ZRDV3bvtnAAgAp2exOSjXQkXzMqZ1InVXhDwrE0D3rZztO9UczDkkKFvM_i9OnUinL_wMiLlMqlbEZMX1CUCceT4FTtztnQXdXmy_47Es/s1600/IMG_3579b.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="859" data-original-width="700" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgPm3iRNk7hwg3eV1wsqrkolNI8XM6me5lK18ZRDV3bvtnAAgAp2exOSjXQkXzMqZ1InVXhDwrE0D3rZztO9UczDkkKFvM_i9OnUinL_wMiLlMqlbEZMX1CUCceT4FTtztnQXdXmy_47Es/s640/IMG_3579b.JPG" width="520" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Our replica of the Wollaston / Pioneer Helm, by Tim Noyes / Heron Armoury (2014).</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
This helmet was discovered in March 1997 during excavations on ground adjacent to the Nene flood plain and 250m from a small group of Bronze Age barrows, where quarrying (by Pioneer Aggregates) was due to begin. What was discovered was a single burial of a young male, beneath what was probably a burial-mound long since ploughed away. The burial contained a limited set of skeletal remains, the helmet, three iron buckles, a small knife, two copper alloy clothing hooks, a bronze hanging-bowl (with inlaid millefiori escutcheon), a mysterious assortment of short iron rods and tubes, and a patternwedled sword blade with no extant hilt fittings. The sword was pattern-welded, with an interrupted twist design similar to that of the Sutton Hoo Mound 1 sword. Overall the burial is comparable particularly to Benty Grange, but also to other relatively high status, late phase warrior burials. <br />
<br />
The helmet was in fairly good condition, with a mostly intact bowl, single extant cheekpiece with iron hinge, deliberately inwardly bent but reinforced nasal, and in contrast to all other examples then known, no signs of any precious-metal fittings or embellishments. Unfortunately the back of the helm was largely disintegrated, and so little can be said with certainty about its neck-guard. Its structural construction is closely homologous to that of the Coppergate helm from approx. a century later, and it also shares a nose-to-nape and ear-to-ear crossing ridge, though this time formed convex and of iron, integrating a small and simple boar-crest like a diminutive and less costly version of the Benty Grange boar. The more utilitarian design of the Wollaston helm inevitably invites speculation that it may be representative of a more common type of helmet worn by professional Anglian warriors, as implied by the relatively uniform depictions of nasal-helms on the Pictish Aberlemno II stone. For more on the Wollaston Helm see <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.com/2013/09/the-wollaston-pioneer-helm_1.html">http://thethegns.blogspot.com/2013/09/the-wollaston-pioneer-helm_1.html</a></blockquote>
<br />
<br />
<h4>
<span class="st">•</span> The Shorwell Helmet, <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Shorwell, Isle of Wight. 2004. </span></i></h4>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgOyXgwRM_HMy0pTAZQzShF8B_-u8Gw0kr9zI14MA6NOX2rLzoIOzcHm70b0aUmXUfW1nPZXKhqq1Qf3OQl7bIRzvdLJxlCd3SYbIIIVHH1VsXjtuI61K9ds1AblbjVpFnF6dPLuQLQp08/s1600/AN01245437_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="695" data-original-width="750" height="592" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgOyXgwRM_HMy0pTAZQzShF8B_-u8Gw0kr9zI14MA6NOX2rLzoIOzcHm70b0aUmXUfW1nPZXKhqq1Qf3OQl7bIRzvdLJxlCd3SYbIIIVHH1VsXjtuI61K9ds1AblbjVpFnF6dPLuQLQp08/s640/AN01245437_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Shorwell Helmet. (C) The British Museuem</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
Metal-detectorists in May 2004 discovered a plough-damaged Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Shorwell on the Isle of Wight, of which only one grave was individually identifiable. Subsequent archaeological excavation recovered from this grave, the remains of a pattern-welded sword with silver pommel and gilded bronze scabbard-mouthpiece, bronze buckle, spearhead, shield boss and grip, fluted glass vessel, hanging bowl, and around 400 fragments of what was thought to be an iron cooking vessel. These fragments, from the head area of the burial, were eventually reassembled at the British Museum, and were announced as another Anglo-Saxon helmet in 2012. </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
This helmet is distinctive, both in being the only example to date, of a Spangenhelm (rather than ridge-helm) found in an Anglo-Saxon context, and that it comes from a context at least a century earlier than all other helmet finds – approx. early to mid 6th century. The lack of a central reinforcing ridge (justifying its classification) is obvious, though the use of a single broad nose-to-nape band (rather than multiple bands all joining at the apex) produces a less conical dome and hints at some continuity with the Wollaston and Coppergate helms. The helm lacks any decoration, and apart from some holes near the ear – probably for the attachment of a leather chin-strap, it features no extant cheek, face, or neck protection. However, the Benty Grange helmet should caution of us of the danger of not seeing beyond the metalwork, and it is possible that the badly preserved remains represent only the underlying structural ironwork of a partially organic helmet. For more on Shorwell see. <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.com/2012/12/finally-english-spangenhelm-shorwell.html#more">http://thethegns.blogspot.com/2012/12/finally-english-spangenhelm-shorwell.html#more</a> </blockquote>
<br />
The above helmets all share a crucial feature; they were all recovered from reasonably well-undetstood contexts by (at least according to the standards of the time in each case) “professional archaeologists”. This means that they all came with provenance and context, allowing them all to be dated and ascribed to early Anglo-Saxon material culture. This cannot be said, for example, of "the Yarm Helmet" – an oddity discovered in the 1950s by workers laying a new sewerage system in Yarm, North Yorkshire, and now on display in the Preston Park Museum, Stockton on Tees. This shoddily made semi-visored helmet, of ridgeless low spangenhelm construction with a small finial at its apex is unimpressive to say the least, although efforts to recreate it have yielded some more fetching results. Its resemblance to the early Viking helmet from Gjermundu has inevitably led to it being more commonly regarded as a possible Viking helmet from the North-East, though the semi-visor design is well represented in early Anglo-Saxon art (cf. 6th century button brooches) and its construction is at least equally consistent with early Anglo-Saxon smithing, though not their finest work. The dubious status of the Yarm helmet – and others without provenance or characteristically “Anglo-Saxon” features which litter private collections, auction sites, and episodes of Pawn Stars (<a href="https://youtu.be/nSdQGgRKiWI">https://youtu.be/nSdQGgRKiWI</a>) cannot be included. However, these dubious cases are not responsible for the miscounting. <br />
<br />
The real reason we’ve got the running total wrong is the Staffordshire Hoard.<br />
<br />
<br />
<h3>
What’s Wrong with the Staffordshire Helmet? </h3>
<h3>
</h3>
The discovery of the Staffordshire Hoard in 2009 brought with it an incredible explosion of insight, interest, and inspiration. There were so many aspects which caught imaginations, but high on the list of them was the tantalising possibility of a golden helmet. First to be identified was a “golden” (actually silver-gilt) cheek-piece; a bit on the small side, but it looked big enough on telly. Then an unusual hollow crest with a horse-head-like terminal that was a bit on the small side, but would do the job. In time the conservators got to work on the excruciatingly fiddly jigsaw puzzle of silver flakes which formed friezes of pressblech foil homologous to those on the Sutton Hoo helmet, and finally, the public was wowed when, through a flurry of activity at the conclusion of the research project, the Hoard conservators (Drakon Heritage) with the help of the Royal Armouries, Gallybagger Leather, and Birmingham City School of Jewellery, produced and unveiled with significant fanfare two replicas of the “Staffordshire Helmet”.<br />
<br />
The media and public were impressed, and both helmets have served as excellent marketing tools for their respective museums, in the way that only shiny helmets can. The rationale behind the reproduction-cum-reconstruction (copying then putting together Hoard bits is both and neither, so for our part we sometimes resort to the made-up term “reassemblage”) was laid out in heroic detail in the magnum opus “The Staffordshire Hoard; an Anglo Saxon Treasure” (Fern et al. 2019) which is still being digested, but among those well-versed in Anglo-Saxon and associated-culture helmet archaeology and reproduction, already sceptical of the identification of some key elements of the Hoard as helmet parts, the reception for the helmets was muted. The strongly magpie-ish tendency, competitiveness, substantial resources and privileged access to world-leading historic craftsmanship, of some members of this community, should have surely meant a feeding-frenzy to be the first to have a golden Hoard helmet when the news hit in 2009, or when further pieces emerged in 2012, or when the cleaning and conservation was completed and the Hoard was revealed in full in 2014, but nobody went for it – perhaps nobody could make it work, and so, quite unexpectedly it was left to the Hoard team themselves to grasp this gilded nettle first.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9c/Fragments_from_a_helmet_(Staffordshire_Hoard).jpg/800px-Fragments_from_a_helmet_(Staffordshire_Hoard).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="800" height="480" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9c/Fragments_from_a_helmet_(Staffordshire_Hoard).jpg/800px-Fragments_from_a_helmet_(Staffordshire_Hoard).jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">More complete of two alleged "cheekpieces" from Staffordshire Hoard - <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Fragments_from_a_helmet_(Staffordshire_Hoard).jpg" target="_blank">Wikimedia Commons</a>. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
What was produced was undoubtedly impressive, but peculiar, with many elements unprecedented, or visually just plain jarring. This does not necessarily mean wrong – we must be wary of putting our expectations ahead of the material evidence. However early-identified, potentially fatal flaws remain, not least the diminutive, weakly attached silver-gilt cheek-pieces which both fail to protect the blood vessels of the throat (their true purpose on all such helmets) as they finish well above the chin, and risk injury from the sharp inward bend on the front aspect which would slice into the cheek if impacted, and which jars awkwardly with the much narrower and rounded edge of the orbit which it hangs from. It has been suggested that these pieces formed decorative shells around an inner, probably iron cheek-piece, yet there is no trace evidence that such a core ever existed, nor a corresponding flange on the back of the shells to accommodate such a thick insert, and it is the shells themselves (rather than any theoretical iron cheek-piece) which bears the (albeit flimsy and non-hinging) attachment lugs. It should go without saying that any theorised structural cheekpiece would be expected to attach to the helmet itself, not hang via flimsy tabs extending from its decorative plate.<br />
We are certainly not the first to observe that these diminutive and weakly attached, precious-metal face-flaps would be more likely to cause injury than prevent it. Compare this to the ergonomic elegance of the Sutton Hoo helmet which is now believed to have been a product of the same royal East Anglian workshop; is it plausible that such armourers would compromise the function of a helm in this way, simply for added visual flair?<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/44/Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186832501).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="379" data-original-width="800" height="302" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/44/Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186832501).jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Staffordshire Hoard alleged "cheekpiece" with silver tabs and beaded wire matched to it - <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186832501).jpg" target="_blank">Wikimedia Commons</a></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186832046).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="379" data-original-width="800" height="302" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186832046).jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">One half of the Staffordshire Hoard alleged "helmet crest" - <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186832046).jpg" target="_blank">Wikimedia Commons</a></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Function is the acid test for any piece of armour, and in recent decades, reconstructions of Anglo-Saxon and associated Vendel culture helmets have, arguably conclusively, proven that they were well designed and highly functional. Some show repair of battle-damage. Even the helmet from Sutton Hoo – with its enigmatic mask and other details hinting at a partly ceremonial role – was a very functional war-helm, and so we should expect the same of the Hoard helmet; more-so given it, unlike the Sutton Hoo helm, comes from an assemblage widely regarded to represent battlefield loot. The Staffordshire Helmet project was arguably made more difficult by the desire to let the Hoard fragments, on their own, dictate the design with limited reference to more complete helmets, and the corresponding need to integrate all possible helmet fragments into a single build. Fern (2019) notes that we do not know for certain that all the possible helmet fragments came from a single helmet – a possibility that should be taken very seriously, for if it were the case, this version of the Hoard helm might be a chimaera, and a wide range of more sparsely decorated but more comfortably assembled designs might be possible.<br />
<br />
If this criticism sounds harsh, and perhaps it is, we should remember the infamous first attempt at re-assembly of the Sutton Hoo helmet, and compare it to the splendid item we know today. This first attempt – and likely all future attempts – can only ever be approximations, which through iterative integration of new insights from analysis, re-evaluation, and experimentation, hopefully nudge ever closer towards the true original helmet’s form.<br />
<br />
Reconstructions are dangerous things; they can communicate a false degree of certainty; decisions must be made once and for all – one must literally rivet one’s colours to the mast, while the error bars, other possibilities and interpretations fall away. I will never forget a conversation with a lady at a public event in Tamworth in 2012 who, enthusing about the glittering Anglo-Saxon helmet that had been found there and was on display, was considerably disappointed to be told that it (the “Tamworth Castle Helm”) was a beautifully crafted but speculative reconstruction designed to show how the Staffordshire Hoard helmet foils worked. We are not in the same position, of having our reproductions behind museum glass and being mistaken for being “real” but can always be more mindful of articulating uncertainties. Navigating uncertainty is the hardest part of the job; it’s a joy to reproduce a specific and well-preserved find in its entirety, but to reconstruct the Hoard is to "play Anglo-Saxon on hard-mode", and within the Hoard, the ultimate challenge is the helmet. Drakon Heritage and associates deserve credit for even trying. In future years, undoubtably, others will attempt speculative reconstructions of elements of the Hoard helmet, approaching the challenge from the opposite direction by working readily understood fragments into existing designs, and unconstrained by the need to make use of, and explain, every fragment. <br />
<br />
The enormous challenge of reconstructing the Staffordshire Hoard helmet stems from one key fact, however, which is also the reason that arguably disqualifies it from consideration in our list of Anglo-Saxon helmets; there is actually no helmet present, to study.<br />
<br />
<h4>
There is no Staffordshire Helmet</h4>
<h4>
</h4>
Well… not really. There was, as evidenced by the abundant array of fragments of helmet decoration in the Staffordshire Hoard (some of which definitely did come from a helmet). But, as described by lead conservator and project-manager for the reconstruction, Pieta Greaves, reconstructing the Staffordshire Hoard helmet is like trying to reconstruct an old house when all you have are scraps of wallpaper. To be clear this is not a criticism of the fragmentary nature of the helmet; both the Sutton Hoo and Showell helmets were in tiny fragments on discovery and took years to reassemble. The problem is that with the Hoard helm there are no surviving structural elements; no parts of the helmet bowl, no iron cheek-pieces or hinges, part of a nasal, face-plate or reinforcing ridge. Even the chunkier though disputed parts, including the silver-gilt cheek-piece elements and crest are decorative pieces of finely worked, soft precious metals, and are of little physically protective value. Attempts to infer, from the two “crest” pieces, the dimensions and curvature of the helmet-bowl are somewhat scuppered by the fact that these pieces do not actually fit together, and are shaped so that they can’t even neatly abut, necessitating that they be spaced at an unknowable distance and angle apart, and so even the preserved “memory” of the underlying helmet offered by these pieces is cast into doubt. All extant parts are simply the torn up “wallpaper” of a probably functional iron helmet that was re-forged into a ploughshare over 1200 years ago. And just as the many fittings from swords in the Staffordshire Hoard do not mean it can be described as “a hoard of over 100 Anglo-Saxon swords”, lacking even a single blade, so we cannot claim that the Hoard is a helmet-find.<br />
<br />
The lack of structural (as opposed to decorative) elements disqualifies the Staffordshire Hoard helmet as a helmet find, however, not purely as a matter of semantics, or because of the terrible implications this has for interpretation, but rather, because of the precedent which its inclusion would set.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c2/Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186889492).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="379" height="300" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c2/Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186889492).jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Reassembled die-impressed sheet (pressblech) - long zoomorphic frieze from Staffordshire Hoard. <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Staffordshire_Hoard_(48186889492).jpg" target="_blank">Wikimedia Commons</a></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5d/Horncastle_helmet_fragment.jpg/200px-Horncastle_helmet_fragment.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="200" height="320" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5d/Horncastle_helmet_fragment.jpg/200px-Horncastle_helmet_fragment.jpg" width="141" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Horncastle Boar</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
If the Hoard were to be included as a helmet find, it would be only fair to include all other examples of stray helmet-decoration that likely came from an Anglo-Saxon helmet. There are a growing number of these, some of which arguably have more concrete status as helmet components than some of the purported helmet components of the Hoard. These include the cast copper-alloy boar-crest from Guilden Morden, Cambs, which was recovered from a modestly furnished Anglo-Saxon grave in 1864-5 and quickly identified as a detached helmet-crest thanks to the attachment lug and comparison to the then recently discovered helmet from Benty Grange. Another is the delightful gilded silver boar-head discovered by a metal-detectorist in Horncastle, Lincs, in 2002, which had been attached by means of three small rivets to a larger object. The proportions of this terminal are comparable to the crest-terminals of the Sutton Hoo and Vendel-Culture crests (far moreso than the diminutive “horse” heads of the Hoard) and the beaded filigree-bordered garnet cabochon eyes bear immediate comparison with the Benty Grange boar. In an entertaining and not unprecedented self-referential homage to the larger object, the boar himself wears a helmet with eyebrows and crest, infilled with crouching quadrupeds. A similar, though plainer cast copper-alloy boar-head of similar proportions is displayed at West Stow, and features the same self-referential helmet-crest and eyebrows. A more doubtful, but similarly impressive example, this time executed in gold and garnet cloisonné, was discovered by a metal-detectorist in Bassetlaw, Nottinghamshire, in 2000, and was immediately compared to the boar from Benty Grange, although its deliberately damaged state makes it hard to infer what object it originally came from. Added to this list more recently is a charming boar-crest terminal, again with garnet eyes and bearing attachment rivets still in situ, from the <a href="https://twitter.com/Hugh_Willmott/status/1147430177233879040" target="_blank">recent excavations of the early Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Scremby, Lincolnshir</a>e (courtesy of Hugh Willmott, Sheffield University Archaeology).<br />
<br />
<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg1vR_8pbwK1JFWseJXEc8YmRO_S5MIW4480rpBe3y5v64HcuKXyo5Circ6yO-yrRghCVSZKhKC7WMX6i7EpiD4D_Jhges0qoZ-AcRHzH6R5di5RHd_mmFZcxQCWqI9sEZHvVoXorA0bG4/s1600/guilden+morden+boar%252C+copyright+British+Museum.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="483" data-original-width="757" height="204" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg1vR_8pbwK1JFWseJXEc8YmRO_S5MIW4480rpBe3y5v64HcuKXyo5Circ6yO-yrRghCVSZKhKC7WMX6i7EpiD4D_Jhges0qoZ-AcRHzH6R5di5RHd_mmFZcxQCWqI9sEZHvVoXorA0bG4/s320/guilden+morden+boar%252C+copyright+British+Museum.png" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Guilden Morden Boar. (C) The British Museum</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Although pressblech foils can belong to other items (being used extensively in princely burials to decorate drinking horns and other vessels) the processing warrior, spear-dancer and (to a lesser extent) horse-warrior designs within near-square rectangular fields are peculiar to helmets, and thus, applying the same rule, any flake of such a foil (or perhaps even its patrix?) should also be regarded as a helmet find. A good example - a patrix recently added to the Portable Antiquities Scheme, from Whittington near Lichfield, with dot-filled zoomorphic interlace resembling foils from the Sutton Hoo helm, and with the same frieze-width as the helmet foils from the Staffordshire Hoard, is very likely to have been involved in the manufacture of a helmet. When one takes into account the possibility that the fragments in the Staffordshire Hoard itself might represent more than one helmet, our count of Anglo-Saxon helmets becomes nonsense. <br />
<br />
It may seem absurd to count these stray pieces of decoration as helmet finds, yet that is what we do when we call the Staffordshire Hoard the 6th Anglo-Saxon helmet. If the notion of a helmet-find is to mean anything at all, it must surely be restricted to those finds where actual structural, rather than purely decorative, elements are represented.<br />
<br />
<h3>
Conclusion</h3>
Of course, you're welcome to count helmets how ever you chose; but I would suggest, applying the simple rule described above, there have been <u>five</u> Anglo-Saxon helmets discovered, of verifiable provenance and context, at the time of writing. It should go without saying that this is a tiny (and probably heavily skewed) sample of what existed in the period, and we have further evidence of more helmets, from a number of other finds of detached helmet decoration, including the Staffordshire Hoard. Such trace evidence of non-extant helmets is proof, if any was needed, that such expensive battle-gear was more widespread than the few true helmet finds imply, and exploring these additional pieces of helmet evidence, including through attempts to integrate such pieces into appropriate existing helmet structures, is a worthwhile and valid exercise. However, efforts to reconstruct the “Guilden Morden Helm”, “Horncastle Helm”, "Scremby helm", “Staffordshire Helm”, or others, must still be regarded as speculative exercises. Conjecural helmet "re-assemblages" can offer much in contextualising stray fragments, and add texture and "authentic" variety to our image of early Anglo-Saxon warriors, but we should always recognise and effectively communicate the distinction between helmet finds, helmet traces, and speculative reconstructions; flakes of wallpaper, however numerous, cannot be called a house.<br />
<br />
<h3>
References</h3>
<h3>
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<![endif]-->Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-87442751934969903372020-03-15T15:25:00.001+00:002020-03-15T15:26:07.925+00:00Hanging Bowls<div class="p1" style="-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; font-size: 22px; font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 3px;">
<span class="s1" style="font-weight: bold;">Hanging Bowls; </span><span style="font-weight: bold;">Wash your hands like an Anglo-Saxon</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPqfTdHgrQtvPeoRijWx0LQ4l3d1EpU2xtkHobzFVmW2m1G-I46qH4byzW4Lk6KCjvFAccNhPkFFrW_XYSKDlZ-kGk3SkP2DHuUXgucM5_wnxBUogVrjAduTdel5jdUOdZ2xh5ewMqAQM/s1600/7946901A-D4D6-4452-92FD-3F93397489B6.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="611" data-original-width="750" height="260" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPqfTdHgrQtvPeoRijWx0LQ4l3d1EpU2xtkHobzFVmW2m1G-I46qH4byzW4Lk6KCjvFAccNhPkFFrW_XYSKDlZ-kGk3SkP2DHuUXgucM5_wnxBUogVrjAduTdel5jdUOdZ2xh5ewMqAQM/s320/7946901A-D4D6-4452-92FD-3F93397489B6.jpeg" width="320" /> </a><span class="s2">An enigmatic and often overlooked class of objects particularly common in high status Anglo-Saxon “warrior” </span>burials of the 6th, and especially the 7th century, hanging bowls were typically 15-30cm and made of unusually high purity leaded bronze. Early examples hung from 3-4 hooks with rings, integral with elaborate openwork or enamelled escutcheons, while later examples had hooks cast with brackets, which contained separately made disc escutcheons, typically tinned bronze with opaque red enamel, in swirling “trumpet spiral” patterns with strongly “Celtic” affinities which would later play alongside Germanic motifs in early insular manuscript art. Where did these enigmatic objects come from, and what were they used for? </div>
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<span class="s2">A counter-sunk base typically housed an additional escutcheon, often even more elaborate, on the base, and created an inner platform for another escutcheon inside, or in some cases 3D sculptures (such as a fish, raised up inside the bowl as if swimming, in the case of a bowl from Sutton Hoo).</span></div>
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<span class="s2">Hanging bowls were expensively made objects fromO the richest burials yet their precise origin and meaning remains a mystery. Their decoration is quite distinct from Anglo-Saxon techniques, and commonly regarded as “Celtic” - perhaps they were diplomatic gifts or evidence of trade with post-Romano-British communities either outside of Anglo-Saxon territory, or perhaps from coexisting British enclaves. Although later related bowls exist from Ireland and Scandinavia, each of different designs, no major concentration of bowls or similar escutcheons (representing a source) has ever been found outside of England. </span></div>
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<span class="s2">Their purpose remains a complete mystery. They could not have survived heating over fire, and no residues of any contents have ever been identified. The array of decoration suggests the bowls were intended to be seen from below, from the side, and looked into; the latter also implies they were supposed to contain clear liquid - probably water. Though it’s been speculated these could be associated with baptism, that would fit uncomfortably with their occurrence in overtly pagan burials. Other suggestions include use as lamp-reflectors, or for aspersion. However, in burials where grave goods fall into two categories - war-gear and hall-gear, representing the dual role of Anglo-Saxon chiefs as war-leaders and party-hosts, hanging bowls sit more comfortably in the latter category. </span></div>
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<span class="s2">We know little, directly, of pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon customs or ritual practice. The Old Norse Hávamál - verse proverbs attributed to Odin, preserved in the 13th century Codex Regius, but which may date back, at least in part, to the 8th century, describe the customs of manners and hospitality in a Viking hall; that guests should be greeted with “water, towels, and welcoming speech”. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>In the filthy early medieval world it’s likely such a custom would be shared by related cultures, and that guests would be offered a bowl of water for washing, upon entering the hall or before eating. Given the work required (probably by slaves or servants) to refresh and maintain availability of clean water inside the hall, without plumbing, this gesture would be another opportunity to flex one’s wealth and status.</span></div>
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<span class="s2">Anglo-Saxon hanging bowls, with their countersunk bases, resemble gothic rose-water dishes used for hand-washing at feasts; the earliest surviving example dates to the reign of Henry VIII, and now belonging to Corpus Christi College Cambridge, is known to have been used at Queen Elizabeth I’s 40th birthday party. </span></div>
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<span class="s2">We have experienced directly how filthy Anglo-Saxon halls could be, even despite endless cleaning. Ash from the central hearth would constantly settle on and contaminate every surface, including a basin of water. A hanging bowl could be hoisted high into the eaves away from most of the ash, and then carefully lowered when required. It’s tempting to imagine these spectacularly crafted objects being admired from all sides as they slowly descended from the roof for the hand-washing ceremony.</span></div>
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<span class="s2">So, it seems likely that these bowls represent an ancient tradition to provide water for visitors to wash their hands as they entered the hall. Perhaps it’s a tradition we should bring back? </span></div>
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<span class="s2"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px;">Bruce-Mitford, R.L.S. and Raven, S., 2005. </span><i style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(204, 204, 204, 0.498039); -webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%; caret-color: rgb(34, 34, 34); color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;">A Corpus of Late Celtic Hanging-bowls with an Account of the Bowls Found in Scandinavia</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px;">. Oxford University Press, USA.</span></span></div>
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Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-30527300863594029642019-10-13T17:18:00.002+01:002019-10-13T17:53:03.736+01:00Men's Hairstyles<b><span style="font-size: x-large;">"Anglo-Saxon" and "Viking" Mens Hairstyles</span></b><br />
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<b><span style="color: #666666; font-size: large;">Æd Thompson</span></b></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">"Criticise our haircuts one more time. I dare you..."</td></tr>
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In our presentations we endeavour to create convincing and well-researched impressions of the dress and accoutrements of people of particular cultures, sub-periods (ideally century, half-century or even decade) and of particular status or societal role. Recently there has been a trend towards re-creation of assemblages from specific graves, though most such contexts fall well short of providing sufficient evidence on which to entirely base all details of costume, let alone other more ephemeral aspects of appearance. </div>
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One such matter is that of hairstyle. We very frequently encounter individuals with very strong opinions on the matter of what hairstyles the people of late antiquity or early medieval period would have had, and are keen to point out how wrong we are, for our variously either “too modern” or “too clichéd” haircuts. Such criticism raises two questions; </div>
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<li>What do we really know about the hairstyles of nominally “Anglo-Saxon” and “Viking” period peoples? </li>
<li>What is our group’s authenticity policy with respect to this issue?</li>
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In this article we hope to address both questions with respect to male hairstyle and grooming, with a further article on womens’ hair and head-wear to follow. </div>
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We begin first with the evidence. Both written and pictorial sources are representative of a particular class of individual within a particular culture, at a particular point in time, and so, to begin with, there are interpretative challenges in deciding to what extent evidence exotic to a culture and century in question is relevant. At the outset, this makes the matter at hand a "can of worms", so for the purposes of clarity and convenience, the evidence discussed below is structured by its origin and not its relevance. </div>
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Early to Middle “Anglo Saxon”</h3>
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Direct evidence for hairstyles of the people of lowland Britain in the 5-8th centuries is remarkably scarce. The reason for this is, firstly, the very limited written record for this period (which in the past has led to it being referred to as the “Dark Ages”), and secondly because of the scarcity and generally low resolution of human depictions. </div>
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Highly stylised male faces / masks which appear in early Anglo-Saxon art (such as button brooches, a bracteate pendant from Faversham, and the beast-flanked figure in the cloisonné of the Sutton Hoo Mound 1 / ”SHM1” purse lid) show voluminous moustaches with otherwise no hint of beard, and no clarity provided on the hair on the head; there are, however, plenty of depictions which are beardless, reportedly outnumbering bearded depictions. While these may represent youths, the relatively greater number of beardless figures, it has been suggested, are more likely to indicate shaving was common particularly among the upper classes (Owen Crocker, 2004). Razor blades, well-crafted shears, tweezers and combs are common finds – equipment making a wide range of hairstyles and facial hair possible. If any theme can be drawn from such archaeology, it is that whatever style was favoured, grooming and appearance were a high priority among these 5-7th century peoples. </div>
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The unique 5th century 3D sculptural depiction – the clay cremation lid from Spong Hill, Norfolk, known as the “Spong Man” – is in fact of ambiguous gender, with no characteristics which can clearly identify the subject as male or female, and the only distinctive feature – a carinated feature on the top of the head, though it could be a wide bun similar to an ostentatious female hairstyle trend from Imperial Rome (the <b><i><span style="color: #f1c232;">Orbis Comarum</span></i></b>), is more commonly interpreted as a pillbox hat. </div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">"Spong Man" - 5th century cremation urn lid from cemetery at Spong Hill, Norfolk. </td></tr>
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The most abundant single source from early Anglo-Saxon lowland Britain of facial depictions is arguably the famous whetstone sceptre from Sutton Hoo Mound 1 (SHM1). The eight distinct faces carefully carved into the hard stone are, in fact, all confined within a sharp teardrop-shaped frame which constrains possibilities for depiction of hairstyle or headwear, but nevertheless, three have pointed beards (continuous with short moustache in some cases, but without moustache in one case) and the remaining five are beardless or bearded but with exposed chin (neckbeard); those with exposed chin but “beard” texture beneath may actually be a clumsy attempt at depicting clothing on the neck, or shoulder-length hair falling around the face, and the possibility that these figures are female should also not be ruled out. All figures have a sharply defined hairline at the top of the forehead with hair drawn, to various extents, backward. On some (including some of the bearded depictions) hair is drawn straight back from the forehead in a manner as if tied back, while in others (including one of the bearded faces, and one with exposed chin) it falls in curtains around the face. Although these depictions do not provide a great deal of clarity, they do at least provide strong evidence for the hair of males (presumably of relatively high status given the context) long enough to be worn variously tied back, or cascading around the face. <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Faces from the Sutton Hoo Whetstone/Sceptre (British Museum); stag-end faces top row, base end bottom row (inverted). Shown here in no particular order. </td></tr>
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The association between long hair and status, in north-western Europe is relatively ancient and well documented. There is abundant documentary evidence that the leaders of the Franks wore their hair long, and that this became synonymous with Frankish rulership. The 6th century Gregory of Tours glossed the origins of the Frankish rulers; that they “s<i>et up long-haired kings (<span style="color: #f1c232;">reges criniti</span>) in each country district and each city chosen from the foremost and most noble family of their race</i>”, who ruled until Clovis I established the Merovingian dynasty and long-hair became an exclusive sign of Frankish kingship (Goosmann, 2012). The early 5th century Greek historian Agathias described one Frankish king, Chlodomer as having hair “<i>flowing and abundant, loose down to his back</i>”, further explaining that;</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ring of c6th Frankish king Childeric I showing centre-parted long hair </td></tr>
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<i> “it is a rule for Frankish kings never to be shorn; instead their hair is never cut from childhood on, and hangs down in abundance on their shoulders. Their front hair is parted on the forehead and falls down on either side. Their hair is not uncombed and dry and dirty and braided up in a messy knot like that of the Turks or Avars; instead they anoint it with unguents of different sorts and comb it. […] Their subjects have their hair cut all round, and are not permitted to grow it further.”</i></div>
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The detail from Agathias’ description, of centre parted hair falling either side of the face, is reminiscent of what is seen on the Sutton Hoo whetstone, yet the Merovingian dynasty was marked out for its commitment to long hair (which was an essential prerequisite for kingship) and there is no reason to assume this applied to the kingdoms of “Anglo-Saxon” lowland Britain. At the root of the association between long hair and status in Frankia and possibly kingdoms in contact with them, is the expense and labour associated with its maintenance, which is hinted at by Agathias; to have long hair is to advertise that one can afford the servants, ointments and time to maintain it. For most in society, practicality and comfort would be a higher priority, especially given the ubiquitous annoyance of ectoparasites (<b><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.com/2013/01/combs-and-lice.html" target="_blank">read more here</a></b>). </div>
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<span lang="EN-GB">By the
middle Anglo-Saxon period the norm appears to have been for hair to be cropped
to short or medium length, though figures with longer hair in the book of Kells
suggests fashions in the Celtic sphere of influence may have been different
(Owen-Crocker, 2004). Men vowed to monasticism would be tonsured in the
familiar Roman “crown of thorns” style or, at least up to the time of the Synod
of Whitby (664 CE) in an alternative “Celtic tonsure” the particulars of which
is not wholly understood. Depictions of
beardless, moustached, and pointed-bearded figures continue, though plaited
beards are a feature which seems to be exclusive to Celtic art. Although further into the Christian period
there may have been awareness of St Paul’s dictum that men should have short
hair, there is evidence for a somewhat contrary pressure of religious austerity
against vanity and overly elaborate grooming. Writings from the Northumbrian
scholar Alcuin, embedded in Charlemagne’s court in the late 8<sup>th</sup>
century, frequently warn against extravagance of appearance (Garrison, 1995)
and a letter to King Aethelred of Northumbria in 793 specifically mentions
grooming;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: #bf9000;"><b><i>“Considerate habitum, tunsuram, et mores principum et populi luxuriosos. Ecce tonsura quam in barbis et in capillis paganis adsimilari voluistis”</i></b></span>. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i>“Consider the dress, hairstyle and luxurious habits of the princes and people. Look at your trimming of beard and hair in which you have sought to resemble the pagans”. </i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The association between more elaborate grooming with paganism is a theme which would run through other Anglo-Saxon writings into the nominal “Viking” period. </div>
</div>
<h4>
</h4>
<h4>
</h4>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<h3>
Classical to Migration Age “Germania”</h3>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicRcEVkQlaT6VJYReGRTXO1ir5LdjQIkQdxUwOztQBP_uzsmsYaS3fweHwZfgUxTcqPWi8pxsd0v1SLlGvbgodM-KxGb9dZanbkp_gPGyzPkOybnSZtn_U72sb7I33y1lgsQn_aIbgnSA/s1600/800px-Germanic_Head_Somz%25C3%25A9e.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1067" data-original-width="800" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicRcEVkQlaT6VJYReGRTXO1ir5LdjQIkQdxUwOztQBP_uzsmsYaS3fweHwZfgUxTcqPWi8pxsd0v1SLlGvbgodM-KxGb9dZanbkp_gPGyzPkOybnSZtn_U72sb7I33y1lgsQn_aIbgnSA/s320/800px-Germanic_Head_Somz%25C3%25A9e.jpg" width="239" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Marble head form Somzée, Belgium. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div>
Where contemporary sources fail us, it is usual practice to refer to Classical sources pertaining to the period prior to the nominal “Anglo-Saxon Period”, but the relevance of these, pertaining to different cultures far removed in space and time, is questionable and a matter for the reader to judge. It is likely that the on the whole highly conservative attitude to male hairstyles which (with the exception of a changeable attitude to beards) ran throughout the Roman period (abundantly evidenced in sculpture) become predominant in Roman Britain; there is little to be known of the fashions of the native Britons or to what extent they might have experienced a resurgence in the 5th century, and given other aspects of fashion and material culture became overwhelmingly dominated by influence from “Germanic” Northern Europe (uncontroversially, and to say nothing of the debate on migration) it makes sense to look at what we know of their hairstyles. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
The main classical source for information on the inhabitants of northern Europe (“<i>Germania</i>”) is the treatise by Tacitus on the subject from 98 CE. The account is relatively detailed, yet nowhere is the means by which Tacitus acquired this knowledge described; it is unlikely he travelled so widely and personally observed all the tribes he described, and much of the contents of this work likely derived at best from discussions with traders or re-interpretation of other (now lost) texts. Tacitus physical observations are few and far between, and specific to particular tribes. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Of the Catti (who occupied a territory encompassing Hesse, Thuringia, part of Paderborn, of Fulda, and of Franconia) Tacitus reports that;</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
“<i>from the time they reach maturity they let their hair and beard grow, and do not divest themselves of this votive badge, the promise of valor, until they have slain an enemy. […] Many of the Catti assume this distinction, and grow hoary under this mark, conspicuous to foes and friends." </i></div>
<div>
</div>
<div>
He goes on to say of the Suevi “<i>who occupy the greatest part of Germany</i>”, that;</div>
<div>
<i><br /></i></div>
<div>
<i> “it is characteristic of these people to turn their hair sideways, and tie it beneath the poll in a knot. By this mark the Suevi are distinguished from the rest of the Germans; and the freemen of the Suevi from the slaves.” </i></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
From this we might assume this distinctive knotted hairstyle is peculiar to this tribe, yet Tacitus outlines a caveat that;</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<i>“among other nations this mode, either on account of some relationship with the Suevi or from the usual propensity to imitation, is sometimes adopted; but rarely, and only during the period of youth”.</i></div>
<div>
</div>
<div>
So in Tacitus’ time it seems the fashion was spreading to other tribes, if only among the young. Other sources of evidence (discussed below) suggests this fashion only continued to spread, but Tacitus also offers description of variations on its theme, at least among the Suebi themselves.</div>
<div>
<i><br /></i></div>
<div>
<i>“the Suevi, even till they are hoary, continue to have their hair growing stiffly backward, and often it is fastened on the very crown of the head. The chiefs dress it with still greater care and ornamentation, though of an undebasing kind. For their design is not to make lover or inspire it; they decorate themselves in this manner as they proceed to war, in order to seem taller and more terrible; and dress for the eyes of their enemies.”</i></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
This relatively thorough description of hairstyle, if to be believed, is critical, painting a picture of two distinct hairstyles; a side-knotted or coil-braided style, and a top-knot style; both, with the drawing back of hair from the face and tying, are somewhat consistent with some of the depictions from the much later Sutton Hoo whetstone. Although these “<b>Suebian knot</b>” hairstyles are described as relatively exclusive to this tribe, </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgQnqx4PxkYvg2LtYaotHOQGPfBhhCw7GJv6dntG3ei2PvZbIEQZRmXOcDedmre9N62Cwbdvpz4M-swkxp5Up7t9Bt1DVoPZ5RQA7Htwy0IM5lEOESksg5Nsu3DqrnKlvLVLYgZQAz2Ebg/s1600/3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="692" data-original-width="1440" height="306" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgQnqx4PxkYvg2LtYaotHOQGPfBhhCw7GJv6dntG3ei2PvZbIEQZRmXOcDedmre9N62Cwbdvpz4M-swkxp5Up7t9Bt1DVoPZ5RQA7Htwy0IM5lEOESksg5Nsu3DqrnKlvLVLYgZQAz2Ebg/s640/3.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">"Germanic" heads from 2nd-3rd century cauldrons from Mušov, Czeck Republic (L) and Czarnowko, Poland (R)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<div>
Tacitus does describe the beginnings of a spread to neighbouring tribes. The Suebian knot is well represented in Roman art, with examples including;</div>
</div>
<ul>
<li>Trajan’s Column, Rome (2nd century) </li>
<li>Portonaccio sarcophagus, Rome (2nd century) </li>
<li>Tropaeum Traiani, Adamklissi, Romania (2nd century) </li>
<li>Bronze sculpture in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France Paris, Cabinet des Bédailles Paris, Invenory No. 915. (1-2nd century) </li>
<li>Marble head of a German from Somzée, Belgium (1-2nd century) </li>
<li>Terra Cotta theatrical mask, Blacas Collection. British Museum. </li>
<li>Mušov Cauldron, South Moravia, Czech Republic (2nd century) </li>
<li>Bronze Cauldron from a Wielbark-Culture grave, Czarnowko, Poland. (2-3rd century)</li>
</ul>
<div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Although it might be assumed that this abundance in Roman depictions of Germanic males might indicate its widespread adoption, it could equally be the result of artists focusing in on this distinctive hairstyle as a way of visually signalling that the subject was a German, perhaps even because of Tacitus’ writings. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjFw-se-P1TrI-Kyn1GAmnaTdR0ZWEib87XhZtAleHyc_ls4ViVP06cjIUBqdKGdhg3NSr7Xf1KXrYQODX35WmYNIKBy57RCH0ehieOT1UEN68nTpcDJTq8dBoGg8juojJZ_EcAjXO6Zk8/s1600/800px-Osterby_Man_Suebian-Knot.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1067" data-original-width="800" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjFw-se-P1TrI-Kyn1GAmnaTdR0ZWEib87XhZtAleHyc_ls4ViVP06cjIUBqdKGdhg3NSr7Xf1KXrYQODX35WmYNIKBy57RCH0ehieOT1UEN68nTpcDJTq8dBoGg8juojJZ_EcAjXO6Zk8/s320/800px-Osterby_Man_Suebian-Knot.jpg" width="239" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Osterby Man - North Germany, 100 CE. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNormal">
However, the Suebian knot is also directly archaeologically evidenced, including from the “Angeln” region considered original home of the Anglian settlers of lowland Britain;</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<ul>
<li>The Osterby Man (Head) – discovered in 1948 by peat cutters in Osterby near Schleswig, North Germany. This skull has a full head of hair preserved with a tight coiled knot on the right side of the head, and was likely from a sacred-lake sacrifice around 100 CE. </li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>The Dätgen Man – another bog body / lake sacrifice from nearby above, and dated to 2-4th century. The knot appears to have sat at the back of the head. Male, approx 30 years old.</li>
</ul>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
It is, further, represented in “home grown” (as opposed to imported or otherwise “acquired” Roman ware) Germanic artwork, most notably bracteates from 5-6th century. These enigmatic gold pendants, though themselves to be based on 4th century Roman military medallions, have been studied extensively and are worthy of multiple articles on their own, but a key feature (which has been used to typologize them) is the hairstyle of the male figure on many of them, which most commonly includes some kind of knotted hairstyle, sometimes with a trailing plait (Rundkvist, 2006). The distribution of bracteates with this sort of depiction have an overwhelmingly Scandinavian and Baltic coast distribution with outliers from Germany, The Netherlands and from early Anglo-Saxon contexts in Britain (Behr, 2006 & 2010). Although there is much that is not known about such bracteates they provide artistic evidence for awareness of knotted hairstyles across Northern Europe (arguably including Britain) into the 5-6th centuries; the hairstyle was not just a Roman stereotype. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
</div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhxOuR_poM2tMSQ8SR-jrfJ0bpR1RBU6gFZL0vnDHZPY2y65bPFhexznNkqRslnBLGxHYnmgreiHxxito7q6UZ9GDXh4PIpyzMnBDkQ3IZs9oUKSzdDo_qgBqdeHnqBXXNCnJatCHhoXSo/s1600/bracteates.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="684" data-original-width="1332" height="328" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhxOuR_poM2tMSQ8SR-jrfJ0bpR1RBU6gFZL0vnDHZPY2y65bPFhexznNkqRslnBLGxHYnmgreiHxxito7q6UZ9GDXh4PIpyzMnBDkQ3IZs9oUKSzdDo_qgBqdeHnqBXXNCnJatCHhoXSo/s640/bracteates.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Gold C5th Bracteates from Funen, Denmark (DR BR42) and Unknown (Met Museum NY. 2001.583), not to scale. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div>
<div>
The 5th century Gallo-Roman poet Sidonius’ descriptions of the early Franks mention “oily top-knots” (Owen-Crocker, 2004) which may indicate spread and continuity of the Suebian knot hairstyle into the 5th century, or he may be falling into a lazy stereotype established by Tacitus. However, he goes on to further describe the Franks;</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
“<b><i><span style="color: #f1c232;">…rutili quibus arce cerebri</span></i></b></div>
<div>
<b><i><span style="color: #f1c232;">ad frontem coma tracta iacet nudataque cervix</span></i></b></div>
<div>
<b><i><span style="color: #f1c232;">saetarum per damna nitet, tum lumine glauco</span></i></b></div>
<div>
<b><i><span style="color: #f1c232;">albet aquosa acies ac vultibus undique rasis</span></i></b></div>
<div>
<b><i><span style="color: #f1c232;">pro barba tenues perarantur pectine crisae</span></i></b>.“</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
“<i>… on the crown whose red pates lies the hair that has been drawn towards the front, while the neck, exposed by the loss of its covering, shows bright. Their eyes are faint and pale, with a glimmer of greyish blue. Their faces are shaven all round, and instead of beards they have thin moustaches which they run through with a comb.” </i></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Sidonius further describes “<i>blue-eyed Saxon seamen</i>” providing some further fascinating details;</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZlbM57WlygJ1UQci5VUyiViiTqMjDXvzcsWH45SLeqZRL-BebW2DCw2jESp9d3WOM7-FJ1YA0KrUM0BQ3MESMyJJ4CPR4JLxoXKFE_CH5YxnpSsWgBQddw6ntxersHB0M_GWUZl4JF3c/s1600/Bracteate%252C_C_Type_%2528FindID_472586%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="782" data-original-width="740" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZlbM57WlygJ1UQci5VUyiViiTqMjDXvzcsWH45SLeqZRL-BebW2DCw2jESp9d3WOM7-FJ1YA0KrUM0BQ3MESMyJJ4CPR4JLxoXKFE_CH5YxnpSsWgBQddw6ntxersHB0M_GWUZl4JF3c/s320/Bracteate%252C_C_Type_%2528FindID_472586%2529.jpg" width="302" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Silver 6th century bracteate from Yorkshire (PAS: FAKL-500088) </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div style="text-align: left;">
“<i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;">Istic Saxona caerulum videmus</span></b></i></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;">assuetum ante salo solum timere;</span></b></i></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;">cuius verticis extimas per oras</span></b></i></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;">non contenta suos tenere morsus</span></b></i></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;">arat lammina marginem comarum, </span></b></i></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;">et sic crinibus ad cutem recisis</span></b></i></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;">decrescit caput additurque vultus. </span></b></i></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<i>“Here in Bordeux we see the blue-eyed Saxon afraid of the land, accustomed as he is to the sea; along the extreme edges of his pate the razor, refusing to restrain its bite, pushes back the frontier of his hair and, with the growth thus clipped to the skin, his head is reduced and his face enlarged.”</i></div>
<div>
<i><br /></i></div>
<div>
Together, the descriptions of Tacitus and the later Sidonius, along with archaeological finds and art, paint a picture of male hairstyles in Roman to Migration-Age Northern Europe as a landscape of hipster top-knots and undercuts. But having examined the evidence for male hairstyles before the so-called “Dark Ages”, what about evidence from the “late Anglo-Saxon Period” / “Viking Age”?</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
</div>
<div>
<h3>
“Late Anglo-Saxon” and “Viking”</h3>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-ELMcNrlxoApW8kiURIWH-Mj6eCWZp4vX-fRALz6_eBLLUXu8mF0XvYFKzy4PQo9WMcnEcwHBcUVhkMwM37P3Po9P13Ij_pFHB93jXZEx7b5j7ymAONf2-uJgZGw9IptvP8NFlq_vc54/s1600/Bearded_man_carved_cart_Oseberg_ship_burial_Norway.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="749" data-original-width="571" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-ELMcNrlxoApW8kiURIWH-Mj6eCWZp4vX-fRALz6_eBLLUXu8mF0XvYFKzy4PQo9WMcnEcwHBcUVhkMwM37P3Po9P13Ij_pFHB93jXZEx7b5j7ymAONf2-uJgZGw9IptvP8NFlq_vc54/s320/Bearded_man_carved_cart_Oseberg_ship_burial_Norway.jpg" width="240" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Bearded face from the Oseberg Wagon</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div>
Like in Early “Anglo-Saxon” England, grooming tools such as combs, tweezers and shears are similarly common from Scandiavian contexts up to and including the so-called “Viking Age”. Again, similarly to the pre-Christian period in Britain, depictions of faces at reasonable resolution to discern hair details are scarce, but carvings from the Oseberg ship (wagon) show pointed beards (right), moustaches, and in one case, hair only on the very top of the head (below), with the back and sides shaved. Among Norse picture stones, men are typically shown with short hair (contrasting with women typically with long knotted ponytails) but some identifiable male figures have plaited hair – in at least one case, a ponytail was worn with a beard (Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016). </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
There are few written descriptions, and those which do exist are quite exotic. One comes from Leo the Deacon – 10th century Byzantine chronicler, who described a meeting between Emperor John I Tzimiskes, and Kievan Rus leader Sviatoslav in 971. Unfortunately, it is not clear whether he was actually present to witness this meeting, and there is a great deal of ambiguity involved in translating the account, with describes the Rus prince as having “<i>a thin beard, thick lengthy moustache. His head was shaven clean. Some of his hair fell on one side (or on both sides) of his head.</i>”. (“The Viking Rune”, 2019). </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuwFUJqAwRL3ZaCjVv9IjdpL6H427REujBKxzkWz9qV02OdgcNWl_d1qtAiRPXNKWbFlpp99RLXQFNVkAidn36fP_jW239FHOgfxSBQDMyHxyDI7cGaEkg3NpBrppqYT3BR-fCAayg-yI/s1600/Oseberg_Wagon_detail_1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="843" data-original-width="1517" height="352" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuwFUJqAwRL3ZaCjVv9IjdpL6H427REujBKxzkWz9qV02OdgcNWl_d1qtAiRPXNKWbFlpp99RLXQFNVkAidn36fP_jW239FHOgfxSBQDMyHxyDI7cGaEkg3NpBrppqYT3BR-fCAayg-yI/s640/Oseberg_Wagon_detail_1.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Carving from the wagon from the early 9th century Oseberg Ship Burial; hair only on top of head. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh1xH-9LT7CK-9VlyG4jlGO8VSgkMxeR6uIQP9Pjksn02FT_XQk6Dh2Kme3zGixTdINUJ6KiHwSh-Wl_uovjPBe7Lz91JLQG9qvJo7Oba-mkDyspyLURMXAjdmv73XOLhsXmJuKyuFm434/s1600/6e47bd9b96050b0b1e72e901dce702aa.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="580" data-original-width="736" height="504" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh1xH-9LT7CK-9VlyG4jlGO8VSgkMxeR6uIQP9Pjksn02FT_XQk6Dh2Kme3zGixTdINUJ6KiHwSh-Wl_uovjPBe7Lz91JLQG9qvJo7Oba-mkDyspyLURMXAjdmv73XOLhsXmJuKyuFm434/s640/6e47bd9b96050b0b1e72e901dce702aa.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">9th century picture stone from Tängelgårda, Sweden; pointed beards and ponytails. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Closer to home, there is also an account by Ælfric of Eynsham (his Letter to Edward) from around 1000 CE; like Alciun two centuries before, Ælfric disparages the shameful adoption of heathen Danish customs by Englishmen. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">"Ic secge eac ðe, broðor Eadweard, nu ðu me þyses bæde, þæt ge doð unrihtlice þæt ge ða Engliscan þeawas forlætað þe eowre fæderas heoldon and hæðenra manna þeawas lufiað þe eow ðæs lifes neunnon, and mid ðam geswuteliað þæt ge forseoð eower cynn and eowre yldran mid þam unþeawum, þonne ge him on teonan tysliað eow on Denisc, ableredum hneccan and ablendum eagum.”</span></i></b></div>
<div>
<b><i><span style="color: #38761d;"><br /></span></i></b></div>
<div>
<i>“I say to you, brother Edward, since you ask, that you act unrighteously by abandoning English customs which your fathers held, and loving the customs of the heathens who did not give life to you, showing that you despise your race and your elders by dressing yourself as a Dane, with bald neck and blinded eyes.”</i></div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
This description is reminiscent of Sidonius’ descriptions of the shaved necks of the 5th century Franks and Saxons, and resembles the depictions of Normans on the Bayeux Tapestry with the backs of their heads shaved, while the hair falls low on their foreheads. Together this might imply some degree of continuity in favoured hairstyles among “north men” from the 5th to 11th centuries. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Late Norse texts such as the Icelandic Eddas, though light on detail, place particular importance on grooming and hair-styling, both in descriptions of characters and as a way to communicate or reinforce social role and status (Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016). That Norse hairstyles were in some way distinctive is further reinforced by a Norwegian Kristenrett from the law of Borgarthing which suggests that, should a drowned seafarer with Norse hairstyle wash ashore, he should be buried in a Christian graveyard. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhAtH57m7xlU-f2ZRfX8YUI5vheCQCCZ_-926SHa9jXIlzUqKueuPNVnRLaNb4shfGs0BFD0xffloKOh1rYZCeAMpWn_9rXlxyAkLmOaWbq3cg7Dgpko1auYWJmqMJ9jyn0NAI3G_5u22M/s1600/athelstan+and+edgar.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1059" data-original-width="1491" height="452" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhAtH57m7xlU-f2ZRfX8YUI5vheCQCCZ_-926SHa9jXIlzUqKueuPNVnRLaNb4shfGs0BFD0xffloKOh1rYZCeAMpWn_9rXlxyAkLmOaWbq3cg7Dgpko1auYWJmqMJ9jyn0NAI3G_5u22M/s640/athelstan+and+edgar.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">King Æthelstan (Frontispiece of Bede's Life of St Cuthbert, MS 183, f.1v, circa 930 CE. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge), and King Edgar (New Minster Charter, 966 CE. British Library MS Cotton Vespasian A viii.).</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</div>
<div>
In 10th-11th century English art, mens hair is generally depicted as short; an exception is the Hexateuch, where hair is shown shoulder-length and centre-parted (Owen-Crocker, 2004).</div>
<div>
</div>
<div>
Beards with and without moustaches are seen (such as in the depiction of King Edgar and Christ In Majesty, New Minster Charter, MS Cotton Vespasian A viii, fol v2). Through the 11th century and into the early 12th some manuscripts show a preference for “cloud like” depictions of hair (eg. Tiberius Psalter, Ms Tiberius C vi) possibly implying slightly longer curly hair, but given this tends to span all depictions within the work it is likely artistic preference rather than representing any particular fashion. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjBZYzThNJcfxEDV8l9ZOuK5dlgHBWi3JTIvYXKf8ltMj6cdvIshS4NAZNYY-dtC1jM8JFm7f5t8zlKmx2igpOPD4C3pJN54BKudRAbubG7z7mEs3IEJKWiw_3VPnSMZSrIzeqCGvEKZLY/s1600/hexateuch.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="504" data-original-width="1231" height="259" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjBZYzThNJcfxEDV8l9ZOuK5dlgHBWi3JTIvYXKf8ltMj6cdvIshS4NAZNYY-dtC1jM8JFm7f5t8zlKmx2igpOPD4C3pJN54BKudRAbubG7z7mEs3IEJKWiw_3VPnSMZSrIzeqCGvEKZLY/s640/hexateuch.png" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Detail from the Old English Hexateuch (Public Domain; British Library, Cotton MS Claudius B IV f.51r)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMTAkHt1LGqk2UDU8030osk4t7UXhHA9fMCEcqJOQdQEUb2qVuQs0gCdrgBC1truyZYOqxlOpEbA99VKZiDCBJ7x7kWOQ3zL8jk5UqVw3DAIxLbbHS4b18hOsoYCHhOHfglUqxPZd4q4U/s1600/Untitled.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="538" data-original-width="698" height="488" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMTAkHt1LGqk2UDU8030osk4t7UXhHA9fMCEcqJOQdQEUb2qVuQs0gCdrgBC1truyZYOqxlOpEbA99VKZiDCBJ7x7kWOQ3zL8jk5UqVw3DAIxLbbHS4b18hOsoYCHhOHfglUqxPZd4q4U/s640/Untitled.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Late 11th - early 12th century Tiberius Psalter (MS Cotton Tiberius C VI, f.12v)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div>
<br />
The Bayeux Tapestry shows Anglo-Saxon men with neat hairstyles with fringes on the forehead, and un-tapered at the neck; thin wide moustaches also once again make an appearance. The relatively high proportion of males on the Bayeux Tapestry without beards (even those shown balding) has been interpreted as suggesting that by the 11th century most English males were clean shaven (Owen-Crocker, 2004); the messy stitched “stubble” of the priest tending to King Edward the Confessor, included to show he has been there all night, it is thought, suggests men were typically shaving daily. </div>
</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjN-Abn17ZQO1coPlx6FFvQ3oyDi3WQOi-9dYkLIW7Z7lzEF6_HJvzKl_kaAGbUFraTcypurx8TKu5dv6F42XYj1R4l1er9SHmLKYmBkAZVGA3V-1y7xJfcI3yrkO7Qsp4rI5ErpC2P4II/s1600/bt2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="770" data-original-width="1172" height="420" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjN-Abn17ZQO1coPlx6FFvQ3oyDi3WQOi-9dYkLIW7Z7lzEF6_HJvzKl_kaAGbUFraTcypurx8TKu5dv6F42XYj1R4l1er9SHmLKYmBkAZVGA3V-1y7xJfcI3yrkO7Qsp4rI5ErpC2P4II/s640/bt2.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Bayeux Tapestry; death of Edward the Confessor. English are mostly shown with neat medium-short hair and shaven faces; the elderly king has long beard communicating age and wisdom, while priest is depicted with stubble. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFJBatClDsooxqAB8ojIo_s7d_eoO1-2mf8oyahXveuEn-y_c8hoefeOoHFMw5owfjaLhCPT0hUJ3mj1og1FEIQvLUtdU0GR2FMEqbO-th-7i6JqGePMBETz7GIDisDxbXFjCtc4PO2q4/s1600/bt1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="801" data-original-width="1600" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFJBatClDsooxqAB8ojIo_s7d_eoO1-2mf8oyahXveuEn-y_c8hoefeOoHFMw5owfjaLhCPT0hUJ3mj1og1FEIQvLUtdU0GR2FMEqbO-th-7i6JqGePMBETz7GIDisDxbXFjCtc4PO2q4/s640/bt1.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Bayeux Tapestry; Harold Godwinson shown with English medium-short hair and wide moustache, contrasting with Normans (left and right) with the distinctive "Norman Haircut" with back of head shaved. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div>
As mentioned earlier, the most striking detail of grooming represented on the Bayeux Tapestry is the distinctive "Norman" haircut. The distinction between English and Norman hairstyle is clearly a device for distinguishing characters allegiances in the highly political first half of the work, and so the prevalence and distinctiveness of the Norman haircut may have been exagerated to serve this purpose, yet it is unlikely it sprang from nowhere and must have been based on a fashion which had indeed been observed among the new Norman overlords, by the embroiders. The "Norman haircut" extends to Wido / Guy I of Ponthieu, but depictions of Duke William show him with hair in the English style. </div>
<h3>
<br />Conclusions</h3>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<div>
Although the above evidence may at a glance appear substantial, we have in this article covered sparse evidence spanning approximately 1000 years and approximately 2000 miles. While the picture we are presented with from art work is distorted by artistic conventions and style trends, written accounts are offer poor resolution descriptions subject to the vagaries of translation of languages from the distant past, and the distortions and biases of writers who, at best, might have cause to exaggerate or over-emphasise the strangeness of the peoples they describe, or at worst might entirely fabricate details to fit their agenda. In truth we really know very little about the specifics of male hairstyles from the Migration Age through to the Viking Age and given the limitations of any individual source it is arguably more helpful to consider themes which emerge from studying the evidence base as a whole. These themes which do not rely on any one single source include;</div>
<div>
<ul>
<li>Written accounts, and archaeology suggesting grooming and appearance were taken seriously. </li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>Variation between neighbouring cultures and over time, with respect to the prevalence of shaving, the wearing of neatly trimmed/shaped beards or moustaches.</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>Abundant evidence for knotted hairstyles into the Migration Period which may have persisted. </li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>Abundant documentary evidence for “pushing back the hairline” by shaving / undercutting in various ways, both in the Classical to Migration Age, and Viking Age. </li>
</ul>
</div>
<div>
Some of these themes may come as a surprise, in that they in some ways correlate with the distinctive looks from a now infamous History Channel show (which owes more to an early 2010s collision of contemporary borgois fashion subcultures) and run against commonly held assumptions about the Classical Era Germanic peoples, early Anglo-Saxons or Vikings being hairy unkempt barbarians. The older familiar image of long hair and untrimmed beards in fact probably owes more to the pervasive “noble savage” fantasy which has for centuries been ignorantly applied to these cultures, and possibly, too, to a degree of 20th century sub-cultural cross-pollination from the early days of re-enactment. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Nevertheless, these themes fall far short of providing precise details for any particular haircut for our main period or cultures of interest, and even if evidence were to emerge it would only capture the style worn by one person, or at best a group of people, at a particular time. There is no real basis to assume that individuals could not, or did not wear their hair differently from one day or week to the next. We have no evidence (with the exception of the monk’s tonsure, and possibly the long centre-parted hair of the Merovingian kings) for any particular hairstyle being prescribed or universal among any rung of society among these cultures. It is therefore a source of some frustration when critics state, with undue confidence, that a particular reenactor’s haircut “is not Viking” or “is not Anglo-Saxon”. </div>
</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
HIC DISPUTANDUM DE PATERETUR TONSURAS, INTERFECTUS EST.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<h3>
Our Position</h3>
<div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Though
subject to review should it ever be raised at committee, our position as an
organisation striving for authenticity and intellectual honesty in our
presentations, but also inclusivity and accommodation of the realities of
participants lives, is for the most part not to seek to regulate the
“authenticity” of hairstyles. In our
view, the evidence base is far from sufficient to allow for prescriptivism on
this issue.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Living
History is about conversations; we do not attend events “in character” but
instead discuss history and archaeology while dressed as walking visual-aids.
Where haircuts might not be in line with people’s expectations, our team are prepared
to discuss the actual evidence concerning the matter at length, yet it should go without saying
that when an impression of a “7<sup>th</sup> century Anglo-Saxon warrior” is
presented, implicit in the caption is that it is in fact a modern human being
and hobbyist dressing, for a couple of weekends a year, as a 7<sup>th</sup>
century Anglo-Saxon warrior. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Even if the evidence base were sufficient to allow
it, it would be wholly unreasonable to expect participants to make medium to
long term choices structuring their appearance around those few weekends a year
– particularly where the “authentic” choice (such as the infamous Suebian Knot or "Norman haircut")
might not be in keeping with particular employers’ appearance standards /
dress-code. To have such expectations
of commitment, particularly from those just entering the hobby, in pursuit of
“authenticity” of an aspect which remains largely unknowable, is to erect
unnecessary barriers to participation, when our priority should be maximising
inclusion and participation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<h3>
References</h3>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Owen-Crocker, G.R., 2004. <i>Dress in Anglo-Saxon
England</i>. Boydell Press. </span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgt_98zKEfGqMhbUBQhNWh7-4LAfj_zvxrbbjUQrLOG33fxdxJ2bsgLtuzphR8pQxwC64P8Whzq7cEG07FxEVAj2ROc8H1aHvBVer42buK8Mc2FLlt8geU6oCKstFdMBdblPoQs9MaQZ8A/s1600/IMG_2378.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1600" data-original-width="1164" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgt_98zKEfGqMhbUBQhNWh7-4LAfj_zvxrbbjUQrLOG33fxdxJ2bsgLtuzphR8pQxwC64P8Whzq7cEG07FxEVAj2ROc8H1aHvBVer42buK8Mc2FLlt8geU6oCKstFdMBdblPoQs9MaQZ8A/s400/IMG_2378.JPG" width="290" /></a><span style="background: white; color: black;">Arwill-Nordbladh, E., 2016. Viking Age Hair. Internet
Archaeology, (42).</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Ashby, S.P., 2016. Grooming the Face in the Early Middle
Ages. Internet Archaeology, (42).</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Behr, C., 2006. Using bracteates as evidence for
long-distance contacts. Reading Medieval Studies, 32, pp.15-25.</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Behr, C., 2010. New bracteate finds from early Anglo-Saxon
England. Medieval Archaeology, 54(1), pp.34-88.</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Fischer, C., 1998. <i>Bog bodies of Denmark and northwestern
Europe</i>. Cambridge University Press.</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Garrison, M.D., 1995. <i>Alcuin's World through his
Letters and Verse</i> (Doctoral dissertation, University of Cambridge).</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Goosmann, Erik. "The long</span><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "cambria math" , serif;">‐</span><span style="background: white; color: black;">haired kings of the Franks:‘like so
many Samsons?’1." <i>Early Medieval Europe</i> 20.3 (2012):
233-259.</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Hills, C., 2014. Spong man in context. <i>Landscapes and
Artefacts: Studies in East Anglian Archaeology Presented to Andrew Rogerson,
Oxford: Archaeopress</i>, pp.79-87.</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;">Rundkvist, M., 2006. Notes on Axboe's and Malmer's gold
bracteate chronologies. <i>Fornvännen</i>, <i>101</i>(5), pp.348-355.</span><span style="background: white;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: #212529;">Thevikingrune. 2019. [Online]. [12
October 2019]. Available from:
https://www.vikingrune.com/2014/03/viking-hairstyles-is-ragnars-haircut-historical/</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="background: white; color: #212529;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: #212529;">Wilson, D.M. and Wilson, D.M., 1985. The Bayeux tapestry: the complete tapestry in colour. Thames and Hudson.</span></div>
</div>
Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-66374005480847982852017-04-03T14:53:00.001+01:002017-04-03T14:56:45.961+01:00Art Styles - Part 3; Insular Art<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;">Art of the Anglo-Saxon and Vikings - </span></h3>
<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;">
Part 3: Insular Art</span></h3>
<h3 style="text-align: right;">
<span style="color: #666666;">-Dr Andrew Thompson </span></h3>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; line-height: normal;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtdIAfBc1gnbyvV889080IRqxu6w2m37pbv6iBgvrhgjLbRs7nKL4jLxsWD5JkMmZRJhpYcqbrJpK-vx6JyasmUSVkUXxeABzenFTCihYkWFqIYegMOsosyXFpVtcLV4K7d2mylP5b0jo/s1600/DalbyMountA+edit.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="315" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtdIAfBc1gnbyvV889080IRqxu6w2m37pbv6iBgvrhgjLbRs7nKL4jLxsWD5JkMmZRJhpYcqbrJpK-vx6JyasmUSVkUXxeABzenFTCihYkWFqIYegMOsosyXFpVtcLV4K7d2mylP5b0jo/s320/DalbyMountA+edit.JPG" width="320" /></a><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 9.5pt;">I</span>n <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2017/02/art-styles-part-1.html" target="_blank">Part 1</a> of this series we discussed the rudimentary decorative styles which were used by craftspeople throughout the Migration Period and "Viking Age" to decorate everyday objects, while, in <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2017/02/art-styles-part-2-migration-animal.html" target="_blank">Part 2</a>, we discussed the origins and evolution of animal style art (glossed as Salin Style I and II) which dominates the sophisticated archaeological material of the Early Anglo-Saxon period in Britain, and of contemporaneous Germanic tribes across North and western Europe. </div>
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<br /></div>
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While this evolution of so-called "Germanic" art had been taking place, so-called "Celtic" art had continued to flourish and evolve, in a degree of isolation, in Ireland and the fringes of Britain. Cross-fertilisation of art between the "Germanic" world and the Hiberno/Celtic/Brythonic one appears to have been limited, following the Western Roman Collapse and on into the 7th century. However, as the elite of the emerging Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in Britain converted to Christianity in the 7th century, strongly under the influence of Irish missionaries, a new cultural bridge was formed between these two very different artistic cultures. The result, in the 8th century, would be some of the most spectacular art in European history...<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"></span></div>
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"Celtic" influence is not entirely absent in the archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England prior to the explosion of insular art, and it is instructive to examine the few cases where such influence is evident. </div>
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<h3>
Swirling Escutcheons / “Trumpet Spiral” </h3>
Existing outside of Salin’s classification of Animal Art must be mentioned a quite distinct artistic style which first emerges, in England at least, on the elaborate enamel escutcheons decorating hanging bowls. While the hanging bowls of the 6th century come from diverse contexts and display either overtly late Roman decoration, or else rather peculiar openwork escutcheon designs (Bruce-Mitford Group A), in the 7th century, new styles of hanging bowls emerged (Bruce-Mitford Group B and C) which have exotic-looking, champleve enameled copper-alloy escutcheons with swirling patterns previously absent from Anglo-Saxon art, and for which the best analogue is the 8th century Irish Book of Durrow, and the probably Kentish Stockholm Codex Aureus.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN01177/AN01177064_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN01177/AN01177064_001_l.jpg" width="395" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">7th century hanging bowl escutcheon from King's Field, Faversham. (C British Museum)</td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN01177/AN01177057_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="390" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN01177/AN01177057_001_l.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">7th century hanging bowl escutcheon (unknown provenance, C British Museum)</td></tr>
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These escutcheons, and possibly the bowls themselves, are thought to be of Brittonic craftsmanship, although some examples clearly integrate emphatically Anglo-Saxon motifs including biting-beasts (see the Benty Grange bowl escutcheon) and bird-headed swastikas (such as Royston Grange).<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPselaGi8f-KAW3TTJDZQJZ6ePiWKc9SrI9_5dMNFGZpIMHLyxpEB5_12wqDETw2m_S0STCxj-kD5lltMgxuUd7so6UC78R72twX9ynBoe1As3KMbmQmRlnzof-jap3Llggs-yCTgdWSI/s1600/royston+grange.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="381" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPselaGi8f-KAW3TTJDZQJZ6ePiWKc9SrI9_5dMNFGZpIMHLyxpEB5_12wqDETw2m_S0STCxj-kD5lltMgxuUd7so6UC78R72twX9ynBoe1As3KMbmQmRlnzof-jap3Llggs-yCTgdWSI/s400/royston+grange.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Stray hanging-bowl escutcheon from Royston Grange, Matlock, Derbyshire, showing 'Anglian' bird heads integrated into the trumpet-spiral design.</td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgfJSYU9wUvHk92plglamRkLo1uDEsvO2iQJnMMrI9lWAEYIgXM25ceKF_sVbs8PvoU3nYhrqpWRsHZ0-M_7B5lkDd6pqKHlM3V1ZYt_AJGGwXlJa00-_c-wH764yqRskhEPyphYI0g4ls/s1600/J93_1190.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="348" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgfJSYU9wUvHk92plglamRkLo1uDEsvO2iQJnMMrI9lWAEYIgXM25ceKF_sVbs8PvoU3nYhrqpWRsHZ0-M_7B5lkDd6pqKHlM3V1ZYt_AJGGwXlJa00-_c-wH764yqRskhEPyphYI0g4ls/s400/J93_1190.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Escutcheon from the hanging bowl from the 7th century burial mound at Benty Grange, Derbyshire, showing serpentine biting-beasts integrated into the enamel-work. </td></tr>
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While there is some evidence for similar work in Scotland and Ireland, similar finds are, curiously, entirely absent from Wales and Cornwall. The function of such bowls is not known, in the 7th century they become particularly associated with high status "warrior chief" burials and may have been diplomatic gifts from "Celtic" regions. While these more broadly represent an early instance of the early Anglo-Saxons in England appreciating "Celtic" style art, those curious cases where "trumpet spirals" are combined with emphatically "Anglo-Saxon" motifs suggest that these esceutcheons represent the first tentative steps towards insular art in England (discussed later) - the influence of ‘Celtic’ art styles arriving simultaneously with the Anglo Saxon kingdoms’ adoption of Christianity.<br />
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<h3>
Late Salin Style II </h3>
As the 7th century wore on, and perhaps with a degree of influence from "Celtic" interlace designs, Anglo-Saxon animal art became more sinuous, with a greater influence on the knotting of long bodies, the "biting beast" motif, and a greater variety of beast head forms. The picture is complicated by a number of "retro" phases, with old-fashioned motifs briefly coming back into vogue, but overall the trend was towards greater sinuousness, and greater diversity, to some extent foreshadowing, and to some extent paving the way for the explosion of diversity in Scandinavian animal art under similar circumstances (to be discussed in the next chapter). <br />
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From 700 CE or thereabouts, animal art is occasionally glossed as "Salin Style III" - referring collectively to this trend towards greater complexity, with more delicate and intensely interwoven forms. Middle to late Anglo-Saxon animal art is sometimes included in Style III, and sometimes not - a fact which hints at the vagueness and limited usefulness of this category. In fact, the growing diversity of animal art across Western Europe and Scandinavia, partly enhanced by the emergence of Insular Art under "Celtic" influence, and to some extent, influence of Byzantine and Coptic Art from the East, means it is no longer useful to refer to a general Germanic art style. <br />
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<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;">Insular Art </span></h3>
By 700 CE, the cross-fertilization of art between the Anglo-Saxon and "Celtic" kingdoms across the British Isles had led to a flourishing of increasingly exquisite art, particularly religious art, best exemplified by the spectacular illuminated manuscripts produced in the early 8th century - the Lindisfarne Gospels, Lichfield Gospels, and in Ireland, famously, the Books of Kells and Durrow. The term "cross-fertilisation" is carefully chosen, here, because while "Celtic" art was influencing artwork in the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, art of widely recognised Celtic craftsmanship, particularly in Scotland and Ireland, were increasingly integrating aspects of Anglo-Saxon animal art.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6f/Meister_des_Book_of_Durrow_002.jpg/800px-Meister_des_Book_of_Durrow_002.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6f/Meister_des_Book_of_Durrow_002.jpg/800px-Meister_des_Book_of_Durrow_002.jpg" width="423" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Folio 192 of the Book of Durrow, 650-700 CE. (Scriptorium disputed - either Durrow, Iona, or Northumbria). Dominant motifs are of biting beasts and late Style-II interlace.</td></tr>
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The emphasis, previously on personal artworks of intricate metalwork, now shifts to ecclesiastical items, and media including illuminated manuscripts and stonework. This is, partly, as examples of art in these media begin to emerge around this time, but also due to the decline of the furnished burial rite, in Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, as a result of Christianisation during the 7th century. As a result, the corpus of personal artworks from the middle Anglo-Saxon period is much poorer than before, although the combined efforts of the Portable Antiquities Scheme and armies of metal detectorists are beginning to change this, with more and more mid Anglo-Saxon material (often subject to accidental loss, and therefore not concentrated in archaeological sites) emerging. The overall picture from such finds is that the decorative styles deployed on personal artworks of the 8th century are broadly consistent with the stylistic developments of insular art seen on other media. <br />
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The tale of the Insular Artistic Style in some ways mirrors the rise and decline of the dominant kingdoms of Anglo-Saxon England, with first Northumbria, then Mercia and finally Wessex being in the ascendant both politically and culturally. <br />
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The Hiberno-Saxon (or Northumbrian) subset of Insular Art is exemplified by the densely patterned ‘carpet’ pages found in mid Anglo-Saxon illuminated manuscripts.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/55/Meister_des_Book_of_Lindisfarne_002.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/55/Meister_des_Book_of_Lindisfarne_002.jpg" width="536" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Carpet-page from Lindisfarne Gospels (late 7th - early 8th century) showing Celtic style interlace, animal-style interlace, and cells of stepped, geometric decoration resembling 7th century patterns of cloisonne and millefiori. </td></tr>
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These are a characteristic feature of such Insular illuminated manuscripts, and which are wholly devoted to ornamentation with brilliant colours and complex patterns of ribbon-interlace. The design totally fills the space, (showing the principle of <i>horror vacui</i>), and consist of mainly grid and geometric designs which may include repeated animal forms. These clearly borrow from contemporary metalwork decoration, with the earliest example of the colorful geometric style arguably being represented by the wonderfully intricate stepped garnets and millefiori cells of the shoulder clasps from Sutton Hoo mound 1 deposited some 100 years earlier.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fd/Sutton.Hoo.ShoulderClasp2.RobRoy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="424" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fd/Sutton.Hoo.ShoulderClasp2.RobRoy.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Shoulder clasp from Sutton Hoo Mound-1, early 7th century showing decorative styles analogous to, and directly foreshadowing insular art of the late 7th-8th centuries</td></tr>
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It also gets inspiration from ‘Celtic’ curvilinear trumpet and hair-spring spiral motifs and sometimes uses processions of interlacing long-jawed beasts which have clearly evolved from Anglian Style II metalwork examples.<br />
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This art-form arises in England in the 7-8th century. There are notable carpet pages in the Book of Kells, Lindisfarne Gospels, Book of Durrow but one of the most striking examples is that in the Lichfield Gospels book, which is dated to 730 CE and which is probably native to Mercia.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0f/Lichfield_monog_Christ.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0f/Lichfield_monog_Christ.jpg" width="483" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Page 5 of the Lichfield / St Chad Gospel, early 8th century. Complex, sinuous animal interlace fills the Chi, while the spaces between the arms of the letter are filled with elaborate Celtic-style trumpet spirals. Meanwhile, terminals of the Rho letter form coarser, cartoon-like biting beasts. </td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/ba/Cross-Carpet_Page%2C_St_Chad_Gospels_(Lichfield_Gospels).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="362" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/ba/Cross-Carpet_Page%2C_St_Chad_Gospels_(Lichfield_Gospels).jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">3D rendering of the surviving carpet page of the Lichfield / St Chad Gospel (page 220), early 8th century, showing fantastically complex animal interlace integrating dog-like biting beasts, birds, and sinuous knotting motifs, within geometric cells forming a cross. <i>(CC Chapter of Lichfield Cathedral)</i></td></tr>
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It has patterns of interlaced birds on the cross-carpet, which resemble the ornament on a cross-shaft from Aberlady, Lothian. In the mid 8th century, this was a Northumbrian site on the direct route between the monasteries of Iona and Lindisfarne, linking the Lichfield book with Lindisfarne. <br />
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The fully developed style comprises a profusion of birds, dogs and other animals, complex ‘Celtic’ spirals, cell-work grids and punctilious interlace-work, all carefully framed. It is likely that this elegant form of ornamentation was produced for other than purely aesthetic reasons; in that it probably carried a spiritual message, of a complex divinely ordered world, which was emphasized by repeated use of the cross as a motif and of the Chi-Rho.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/13/Codex_Aureus_1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/13/Codex_Aureus_1.jpg" width="473" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Stockholm Codex Aureus, 8th century, probably produced in a scriptorium at Canterbury, Kent. Opening Chi-Rho shows familiar interplay between intricate animal-style interlace, and Celtic trumpet-spirals. </td></tr>
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Traditionally, metalwork in Anglo-Saxon period from 700 CE onwards has been regarded separately from the ecclesiastical artistic developments in the scriptoria of Ireland, Northumbria, Lichfield and Kent. However, it is quite clear that evolution of each of these spheres of art did not occur in isolation. In what would later become Anglo-Saxon England, under the umbrella of Insular Art, the popular Anglo-Saxon animal styles developed into the so-called Mercian Style (defined by sinuous animal interlace) in the 8th century and then into the Trewhiddle Style in the 9th century.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCscU0ots9gxsfFNCdJZwnJwAbW5XACQ91plZalsEi41nFvp2P7DS__lB8nJTSP04ak_xMJ2N3DWDjBWk9N9KojrO6rg8rNphZZdPn-HJB3Zl9fP_vQkx2k_O81K8RAcjugkvMrhnh38Y/s1600/IMG_4281b.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCscU0ots9gxsfFNCdJZwnJwAbW5XACQ91plZalsEi41nFvp2P7DS__lB8nJTSP04ak_xMJ2N3DWDjBWk9N9KojrO6rg8rNphZZdPn-HJB3Zl9fP_vQkx2k_O81K8RAcjugkvMrhnh38Y/s640/IMG_4281b.JPG" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Detail of the mid 8th century Northumbrian helmet from Coppergate, York, showing copper-alloy decoration on the cusp between what is sometimes termed "Northumbrian" and "Merican" styles. Interlace on the nose is comfortably analogous to similar motifs on early 8th century Northumbrian illuminations, while the 3D beast-head terminal is most comparable to those of the St Ninian's Isle Hoard chapes, and the carved beast-head at Deerhurst Priory. </td></tr>
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<h3>
Mercian Style </h3>
As the fortunes of Northumbria declined in the 8th century, the ascendant kingdom of Mercia became the new focus of artistic innovation. A new and distinctive animal art style began to appear in Mercian manuscripts, sculpture and metalwork. This combines a fairly consistent range of animal, plant, swirling patterns and abstract motifs.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDgwXTuAXJg5O9dVe2RBWz9zTEApke5YXUR_4BFqiW8din2kEWdFKhgtgt-RGI6C0X1UUcWg8LnHKKXEum3wcEOtWI7JBiKDujMS8pdrUzB4izEQmSy2KlJgTn9YVcQ3oV6Bu-9KjJfe0/s1600/E101833.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDgwXTuAXJg5O9dVe2RBWz9zTEApke5YXUR_4BFqiW8din2kEWdFKhgtgt-RGI6C0X1UUcWg8LnHKKXEum3wcEOtWI7JBiKDujMS8pdrUzB4izEQmSy2KlJgTn9YVcQ3oV6Bu-9KjJfe0/s640/E101833.jpg" width="610" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Zoomorphic initial of F.17 of the "Royal Prayerbook" - 8th century Mercian-produced text, showing aspects of Mercian style art, including abstract and sinuous beasts, collision of scroll with interlace, and spot patterns.</td></tr>
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The latter can, quite clearly, be seen to be descendent of the trumpet-spiral escutcheons which began to arrive in the 7th century. The animals, often lizard-like, appear in interlace or among the stems and berries of vine scrolls and other plants. A good example is the Witham Pins (British Museum), the middle disc of which has panels filled with winged animals with lightly incised collars and other body markings enmeshed in interlace.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00739/AN00739034_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="576" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00739/AN00739034_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Close-up of one of the Witham Pins discs (late 8th century), with beasts with lolling tongues and sinuous limbs forming an intricate background of knotwork, often with pointed / petal-like corners of motifs. </td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjV0IjtpIDpTDl3W8A4D860Ulhyphenhyphen9mH682wbSaW4VDJWTYP32DsYTM2SdwwKycWKHwB26ha-jAmsMAqV8Il6eZ6kyNgAAn3jOAcj9Z-JEVNUkH2_7J4w8DYuycPPSOAY4xqHiBVyVuw3ivg/s1600/DalbyMountA+edit.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="630" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjV0IjtpIDpTDl3W8A4D860Ulhyphenhyphen9mH682wbSaW4VDJWTYP32DsYTM2SdwwKycWKHwB26ha-jAmsMAqV8Il6eZ6kyNgAAn3jOAcj9Z-JEVNUkH2_7J4w8DYuycPPSOAY4xqHiBVyVuw3ivg/s640/DalbyMountA+edit.JPG" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The Dalby Mount - a possible late 'sword pyramid' - Silver gilt, showing classic Mercian-style decoration, found in Leicestershire in 2011. (<a href="https://finds.org.uk/database/artefacts/record/id/467984" target="_blank">CC Portable Antiquities Scheme) </a></td></tr>
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Another example is the whalebone Gandersheim Casket, which was made in southern England in the late 8th century, and is decorated with an intricate set of interlacing creatures, vine-scroll and spiral ornament.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg44b_nw-q9cFsM7I2m8-UK1jc4dENq8x7z6VGtiQNRXwR1XmNlOr9QuFI9hyMK28Ayq_pD8T4caCE-Op3ByhYG8pZ-DxehLEFWbJbdCVJ9GJK-UmWj2frD_U_BiHLPNpLikOvq9mt7QSk/s1600/CJanZNhXAAASSNl.jpg+large.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="572" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg44b_nw-q9cFsM7I2m8-UK1jc4dENq8x7z6VGtiQNRXwR1XmNlOr9QuFI9hyMK28Ayq_pD8T4caCE-Op3ByhYG8pZ-DxehLEFWbJbdCVJ9GJK-UmWj2frD_U_BiHLPNpLikOvq9mt7QSk/s640/CJanZNhXAAASSNl.jpg+large.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Gandersheim Casket, late 8th century, decorated with an intricate set of interlacing creatures, vine-scroll and spiral ornament again consistent with so-called "Mercian Style". </td></tr>
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A prominent feature of Mercian Style, and closely related to the new style of manuscript art, was the use of three dimensional animal-heads as features in their own right, equipped with sharply toothed gaping jaws and lolling tongues. Examples include the Westminster seax-chape and the animal-headed sword-chapes from the St. Ninians Hoard, both of which date to the 8th century. The gold ring found at Berkeley Castle and the stone-carved versions at Deerhurst are further examples. Whole animals often feature erect wings and tails twirling into knots.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN01237/AN01237383_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="414" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN01237/AN01237383_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Seax-chape from Westminster, mid-late 8th century.</td></tr>
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The style has some variants but a common theme is that of seemingly energetic spotted animals enmeshed in fine looping interlace. This is the dominant ornamental style of the secular metalwork of the Mercian supremacy, typified by the brooches and pins from such high status sites as Brandon, Suffolk and Finborough. However, the most spectacular examples must be associated with elite weapons such as the outstanding silver-gilt and niello-inlaid sword pommel, hilt and upper grip found in Fetter Lane, London. <br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00744/AN00744329_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00744/AN00744329_001_l.jpg" width="528" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Silver-gilt sword-hilt from Fetter Lane, London, showing various aspects of Merican style. Spiraling motif of serpents can be seen to be a melding of earlier animal-style with the 'Celtic' trumpet spiral.</td></tr>
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This is dated to the later 8th century and is decorated with a tendril pattern, bird heads, a beast and a distinctive swirling spiral of four serpents. Other examples include the sword pommel found at Royal Oak Farm, Beckley, Oxford and the scabbard chapes and pommel from St.Ninian’s Isle.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgCBw_6LpzlYdVFFvLgWHWbxqPl8Mn0EqRiHC0kMV7gl44AxQR2G6oLd-0Ry9U7VcnueJXjIDL-VMy6MP92PvgMs6YnHr-42DTsP13HDhUdUCfArFjYTcgjS981PoEG-Je3t3a6xmqyC9c/s1600/St_Ninian%2527s_Isle_TreasureDSCF6209.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="318" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgCBw_6LpzlYdVFFvLgWHWbxqPl8Mn0EqRiHC0kMV7gl44AxQR2G6oLd-0Ry9U7VcnueJXjIDL-VMy6MP92PvgMs6YnHr-42DTsP13HDhUdUCfArFjYTcgjS981PoEG-Je3t3a6xmqyC9c/s640/St_Ninian%2527s_Isle_TreasureDSCF6209.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Beast-head on a chape from St Ninian's Isle Hoard. Two such chapes, four brooches, and an elaborate pommel all show so-called "Mercian Style" decoration.</td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td></tr>
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<h3>
Trewhiddle Style </h3>
This refers to the style of late Anglo-Saxon art that flourished during the ninth century and is named after the Trewhiddle Hoard - a collection of gold and silver objects found by tin miners in a stream near St Austell.<br />
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Some of the strap-ends and other fittings found there were decorated with distinctive animal designs.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://finds.org.uk/images/dboughton/medium/LVMDEB696742.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="513" src="https://finds.org.uk/images/dboughton/medium/LVMDEB696742.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Trewiddle-style strap end (Portable Antiquity Scheme) - typically
pointed oblong or leaf-shaped and of varying quality, often with a
single decorative field in the centre and a small stylised 3D beast-head
at the tip, these strap-ends are some of the most common
archaeological, and metal-detector finds from the late Anglo-Saxon
period. </td></tr>
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The style is characterised by its distinctive panelled decoration with interlaced, contorted speckled beasts and leafy scrolls, and in metalwork by the preference for silver/ niello rather than bronze. The beasts represented in Trewhiddle style are typically more easily decipherable than in earlier Anglo-Saxon animal art, with more naturalistic body shapes, albeit their necks and limbs are often contorted in order to fit tightly into their cells.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00080/AN00080685_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="598" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00080/AN00080685_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">9th century Strickland Brooch, showing classic Trewiddle style in Silver, Gilt and niello decoration. Easily decipherable dog-like beasts sit in individual fields, are typically backward-looking, and rarely interweave (C. British Museum). </td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00034/AN00034870_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="322" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00034/AN00034870_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The "Aethelwulf" and "Aethelswith" Rings, both associated with the royal house of Wessex, both showing mature Trewiddle-style decoration in gold and niello. (C British Musuem). </td></tr>
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Notably, interlace of the animals themselves plays a much smaller role, with each animal often sitting independent of its neighbours. Although most commonly typified by spectacular examples such as the Strickland, and Fuller Brooches, and finger-rings, this artistic style was dominant across a wide range of more humble items.<br />
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Of particular note are Trewiddle-style strap-ends which show up in great abundance from the early 9th century onwards. An unusual example of mature Trewhiddle style executed in gold is the finger-ring from Poslingford, Suffolk.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00750/AN00750470_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="475" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00750/AN00750470_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Gold ring from Polingsford, Suffolk, showing late Trewiddle Style interspersed with plant-like motifs (late 9th century) (C. British Museum).</td></tr>
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<h3>
Winchester Style </h3>
Primarily considered as a style of Manuscript illustration and ivory carving, it adapted well to metalwork and was characterised by openwork or high relief versions of the typical foliate and zoomorphic (acanthus, bird and beast) motifs.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiuvfHoRhRSqCjDFfwEf4jlc6-flc2cNZ7bQr9YpgjB-hHfH4ee2-PLCNz_ciXVEH78dk5TmNXqIFeI0td1RJH87A-n5GNTFHiu_hfMmnSIqheomgQ2-navq9JrGdxEX10YzBu5v84dwP4/s1600/AN00740991_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="387" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiuvfHoRhRSqCjDFfwEf4jlc6-flc2cNZ7bQr9YpgjB-hHfH4ee2-PLCNz_ciXVEH78dk5TmNXqIFeI0td1RJH87A-n5GNTFHiu_hfMmnSIqheomgQ2-navq9JrGdxEX10YzBu5v84dwP4/s640/AN00740991_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Unprovenenced Winchester-Style belt-end (C British Museum) 10-11th century</td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhattA7LAm72n-mPr1QPYZWzDcldXKqwDgxXB6LqUw8sfEhVCxMP9kw9tWq4dke1ba8j7B2QYEPJ9a_URmdiRJLdztOIdSYXBfN-CaOuPVFma7bYOjHMwcUarlonjnE6BxeHRPEp89wd_g/s1600/AN00752878_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="584" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhattA7LAm72n-mPr1QPYZWzDcldXKqwDgxXB6LqUw8sfEhVCxMP9kw9tWq4dke1ba8j7B2QYEPJ9a_URmdiRJLdztOIdSYXBfN-CaOuPVFma7bYOjHMwcUarlonjnE6BxeHRPEp89wd_g/s640/AN00752878_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Unprovenenced gilt-copper-alloy spouted jug, possibly for
liturgical use, demonstrating early Winchester Style decoration
interspersed with some atrophied animal-art elements. (C British
Museum). </td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/a3/CroixCelteReliquaireIvoireMorse.jpg/800px-CroixCelteReliquaireIvoireMorse.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/a3/CroixCelteReliquaireIvoireMorse.jpg/800px-CroixCelteReliquaireIvoireMorse.jpg" width="307" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Mid 11th century reliquary cross (CC, V&A Museum)</td></tr>
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It was the predominant English art style from the mid-10th to 11th centuries, although more heavily associated with the south of England, owing to its development in Wessex during the time of the Danelaw. Winchester style is widely recognised to have emerged as a result of the increasing Continental, and particularly Carolingian influence exerted on Wessex, and England, particularly as the still on-going artistic cross-fertilisation between England and Ireland which typified Insular art was to some extent curtailed by successive ‘Viking’ crises. The emergence and development of Winchester style coincides with a return of ultra-naturalistic sculptural work and carving, particularly in ivory. <br />
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<h3>
Aftermath </h3>
(Old English : <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>æfter </b></i><span style="color: black;">+</span><i><b> mæþ</b></i></span>, meaning literally ‘following a mowing’) <br />
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By the end of the Anglo-Saxon period, English art was already being overtaken by more continental styles, but 1066 was a watershed for English art as the Anglo-Saxon elite who had been patrons of high art were either dead, fled or dispossessed. It is thus not surprising that Insular Art came to an abrupt end with the conquest - the new elite being patrons of more continental styles. The frenetic energy, freedom and love of complex interlace which characterised Insular Art had, though, already significantly influenced other parts of Europe, and would go on to influence the later Romanesque and Gothic art styles.<br />
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Meanwhile, in Scandinavia, while the distinctive Insular Art in England was dying, so-called "Viking Art" was reaching the peak of its sophistication - "Urnes Style", before it, too, was overtaken. <br />
In the next chapter we look at the many, diverse "Viking" Art Styles, growing from Scandinavian varieties of Salin Style II in the 7th century, diversifying and flourishing up to the early 12th century. <br />
<h4>
References</h4>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Nielsen, K. H. (2010). Style II and all that: the potential of the hoard for statistical study of chronology and geographical distributions <br /><br />Bruce-Mitford, R. L. S., & Raven, S. (2005). A corpus of late Celtic hanging-bowls with an account of the bowls found in Scandinavia. Oxford University Press.<br /> <br />Hull, D. (2003). Celtic and Anglo-Saxon art: geometric aspects. Liverpool University Press.<br /><br />Webster, L. (2011). Anglo-Saxon Art. London: British Museum.<br /> <br />Henderson, G. (1992). Anglo-Saxon Art. London, British Museum.<br /> <br /> Brown, M. P. (2007). The Lichfield angel and the manuscript context: Lichfield as a centre of insular art. Journal of the British Archaeological Association, 160(1), 8-19.<br /> <br />Tweddle, D. (1983). The Coppergate Helmet.<br /> <br />Webster, L. (2005). Metalwork of the Mercian Supremacy. Mercia: An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe, 263.<br /> <br />O'Dell, A. C., Stevenson, R. B. K., Brown, T. J., Plenderleith, H. J., & Bruce-Mitford, R. L. S. (1959). The St Ninian's Isle Silver Hoard. Antiquity, 33, 241. <br /> <br />Wilson, D. M., & Blunt, C. E. (1961). III.—The Trewhiddle Hoard. Archaeologia (Second Series), 98, 75-122. <br /><br />Kershaw, J. (2008). The Distribution of the ‘Winchester’Style in Late Saxon England: Metalwork Finds from the Danelaw. Oxford University School of Archaeology. <br /><br />Ward, J. C., Laing, L., & Laing, J. (1980). Anglo-Saxon England. Britain before the Conquest series.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><br />Turner, S., David, A., & Hamerow, S. (2012). The Oxford Handbook of Anglo-Saxon Archaeology. Cambridge Archaeological Journal, 22(2), 300 </span><br />
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</h4>
Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-12529749394376244672017-02-19T17:44:00.002+00:002017-02-19T17:44:44.107+00:00Art Styles - Part 2; Migration Animal Styles<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;">Art of the Anglo-Saxon and Vikings - </span></h3>
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<span style="font-size: large;">
Part 2: Animal Styles of the Migration Period</span></h3>
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<span style="color: #666666;">-Dr Andrew Thompson </span></h3>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0cYEiPBfTdjcEGn7cTgeuMR5Q55sKH2cSlEudPkqaTWB-5_v7QSvpOMeEuAChW23m8taP4UrKhu74qjGgd67W11Q3fnho6WQBEdRvnqCn2r4i1xhJjx-Ul5WPgf5Co7wOdAlCsgvlVRA/s1600/IMG_1364.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="321" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0cYEiPBfTdjcEGn7cTgeuMR5Q55sKH2cSlEudPkqaTWB-5_v7QSvpOMeEuAChW23m8taP4UrKhu74qjGgd67W11Q3fnho6WQBEdRvnqCn2r4i1xhJjx-Ul5WPgf5Co7wOdAlCsgvlVRA/s400/IMG_1364.JPG" width="400" /></a></div>
In the <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2017/02/art-styles-part-1.html" target="_blank">previous chapter (link) </a>we discussed a number of rudimentary decorative styles used throughout the Migration Period and Viking Ages by a range of north and western-European cultures. These styles represented efforts to personalize or embellish usually more every-day items, by non-elite craftspeople. In contrast, the more sophisticated art styles, used and developed by generations of elite, specialist artisans, have been the subject of more study. From the Migration Period through into the Viking Age, discussion of these sophisticated art styles is dominated by the so-called "animal styles", many of them quite abstract, which set apart the art of these periods from the more classical, or Romance artistic trends which dominated European fashions both before and after. </div>
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To some extent, these artistic styles were confined to particular crafts or materials, but by no means always, and while, for the sake of avoidance of embarrassing mistakes, many reenactor handbooks caution members against carrying decoration from one archaeological find to recreations in other materials, there is no doubt that extensive cross-fertilisation of artistic styles across different crafts and media did take place, especially moving into the Middle Anglo-Saxon period and Viking Ages. <br />
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This illustrated discussion of the various artistic styles of the period concerned, begins with the famous Animal Styles of the Migration Period. Springing principally from the material culture of southern Scandinavia and northern Germania during the late Iron Age, and the collision of their home-grown artistic styles with the prevalent decorative styles of the mid to late Roman Empire. The fortunes of these artistic styles (themselves, at this time, almost exclusively focused on small portable, personal artworks and dress-items of metal and jewellery-work) would reflect the fortunes of the tribes who concieved them; flourishing, spreading, and diversifying, as the Western Roman Empire declined. The styles which developed are so carefully applied, and distinct, that they can be used to confidently date archaeological finds.</div>
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As previously mentioned, it is not our intention, with this series, to advance the ever expanding, complex field of animal-art studies. For those wanting more authoritative, detailed analysis and discussion we recommend the references included at the end of each chapter. However, we hope that this series provides an accessible, entertaining and intelligible tour of the art these historic periods have to offer.<br />
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With the scene set, and taking a deep breath, let us dive into the typology of Migration-Age animal art.... </div>
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Any discussion of Migration Age art must arguably begin with <b>Carl Bernhard Salin </b>¹, a Swedish archaeologist and art historian who, in 1904, published his ‘<i>Die altgermanische Thierornamentik</i>’, in which he defined three consecutive styles of Migration-Age Germanic animal art. These have become known as Salin's Style I, II and III. Although it is arguably essential to differentiate these further, Salin's simple tripartite scheme of classification provides a useful starting point and remains very widely used. </div>
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<h2 style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: x-large;">The Origins of Salin Style I</span></h2>
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Günther Haseloff ² argues convincingly that Germanic zoomorphic (ie. animal-form) decoration derives directly from late Roman art. Late Roman chip-carved belt-fittings were ubiquitous in the late 4th century CE and featured geomorphic and plant motifs on their surfaces. These mounts also featured quite naturalistic animals on their edges. These animals may well represent mythological creatures, as some are obviously hybrids or sea-monsters. Haseloff goes on to suggest that craftsmen from Roman Provinces may well have been kidnapped by roving bands of Saxons and brought home to work for their new masters. He argues that there is no other explanation for the well-known Saxon equal-armed brooches, typical of Saxony but bearing decoration very similar to late Roman chip-carved ware. The Saxons took this style of brooch with them when they migrated to Britain thus providing the well-known examples from Haslingfield, Little Wilbraham and Mucking. </div>
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<h3>
Quoit-Brooch Style</h3>
This is the earliest ornamental style of the "Anglo-Saxon period" in Britain. Its main decorative features are incised bordering, shallow chip-carving, zoomorphic and simple geometric patterns with punch-marking being the predominant decorative element. The decoration corresponds to the Roman forms of spiral- and meander-pattern. The bordering animals also occur here, sometimes on either side of a human mask but quite different from the style of the late Roman chip-carved bronzes, particularly with regard to the border animals and the mask, which do not possess the same rounded, sculptured quality as the chip-carved bronzes; rather the details are shallowly engraved on the surface. Quoit-Brooch style dates to the early 5th century CE, and its origins probably reflect Roman motifs being artistically reinterpreted by Germanic craftsmen using strictly Germanic decorative techniques. Examples are uncommon and almost only found in South-East England, in particular in Kent, where it occurs mainly in quoit brooches and occasionally, elaborate heavily Roman-influenced belt sets such as from grave 117, Mucking cemetery 1.<br />
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The “type specimen” of this art style is arguably the famous 5th century brooch from Sarre (Thegns replica pictured) which had shallow friezes of animal decoration, enhanced with areas of differential gilding to produce a polychrome effect. Quoit-brooch style looks to have gone out of fashion with the arrival of true Style I in the late 5th century.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0cYEiPBfTdjcEGn7cTgeuMR5Q55sKH2cSlEudPkqaTWB-5_v7QSvpOMeEuAChW23m8taP4UrKhu74qjGgd67W11Q3fnho6WQBEdRvnqCn2r4i1xhJjx-Ul5WPgf5Co7wOdAlCsgvlVRA/s1600/IMG_1364.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="513" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0cYEiPBfTdjcEGn7cTgeuMR5Q55sKH2cSlEudPkqaTWB-5_v7QSvpOMeEuAChW23m8taP4UrKhu74qjGgd67W11Q3fnho6WQBEdRvnqCn2r4i1xhJjx-Ul5WPgf5Co7wOdAlCsgvlVRA/s640/IMG_1364.JPG" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Thegns replica of the 5th century Quoit Brooch from Sarre, Kent. (Original in British Museum). </td></tr>
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<h3>
Nydam Style</h3>
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Haseloff ² suggests that the successor to the late Roman chip-carved style comes from southern Scandinavia, examples of which have been found in the bog deposits of Nydam and Ejsböl. Nydam style dates to between the early and late 5th century CE. Nydam Style schemes of decoration display many features common to Late Roman Style including geometric motifs like spirals, palmettes, stars and zoomorphic motifs like sea creatures, sometimes fantastical hybrids. It is, however, perhaps a little more "barbaric" than Quoit-Brooch style, and can clearly be seen to have exerted more direct influence on the development of true Salin Style I than the former. Angles from southern Jutland familiar with this style migrated to Britain in the 5-6th century.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihOueGIH3YrleVAOozBJpQZ_QdlWx4Ts_TrX11pLp4QhYc5ACTMpa7zRn4OlkC-_Cl_vC2DYU68sEcVvKKCfyhDX9Bk6SO2qekijY48KRoPwzzgFm_33vp4tDWRAj2jJYBRlTyfc4z9mQ/s1600/ejsbjol+mount.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihOueGIH3YrleVAOozBJpQZ_QdlWx4Ts_TrX11pLp4QhYc5ACTMpa7zRn4OlkC-_Cl_vC2DYU68sEcVvKKCfyhDX9Bk6SO2qekijY48KRoPwzzgFm_33vp4tDWRAj2jJYBRlTyfc4z9mQ/s400/ejsbjol+mount.png" width="380" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">4th-5th century Nydam-Style scabbard mount from Ejsbøl mose, Denmark. (<a href="http://www.museum-sonderjylland.dk/">Museum Sønderjylland</a>)</td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTmeZ21lTcA1U2AV8btyVY4WEgjbzRiKkyJEP5RvzSRqtlHZolZdlJfDErjygd4lzmwZKI-yt_UdPCUOrk-6iQ8C8oEQMAtXJyEfYLNGs4WpH-Ubk33-bZbPvPanEXMC9kM8Qbea5O7W8/s1600/IMG_9761.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTmeZ21lTcA1U2AV8btyVY4WEgjbzRiKkyJEP5RvzSRqtlHZolZdlJfDErjygd4lzmwZKI-yt_UdPCUOrk-6iQ8C8oEQMAtXJyEfYLNGs4WpH-Ubk33-bZbPvPanEXMC9kM8Qbea5O7W8/s400/IMG_9761.JPG" width="385" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Gilded copper-alloy Nydam-style mount from Ejsbøl mose (National Museum of Denmark)</td></tr>
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<h2 style="text-align: left;">
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<span style="font-size: x-large;">Salin Style I </span></h2>
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Style 1 was used in Scandinavian / Germanic art from around CE 475 and coincided with the introduction of the chip carving technique in copper alloy and silver ². It was popular in England between 500-550 CE and most widespread in Kent. The three basic Style I motifs are helmed profiles, biting beasts and crouching quadrupeds.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00032/AN00032949_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="280" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00032/AN00032949_001_l.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Pair of gilded early 6th century saucer brooches from East Shefford (British Museum)</td></tr>
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Style I motifs were typically composed of a heavily stylised segmented animal, usually with a triple stranded ribbon-like body, sometimes combined with a crouching leg motif with three claws. The rounded head resembled a helmet (Hence Kendrick referred to this as "Helmet Style" ³). Heads could be single or doubled. However, Salin ¹ showed that the most typical aspect of the style was the emphasis on individual body-parts (elements) which enabled animal images to be transformed into abstract patterns; a process termed "degeneration". Haseloff ² later described three major transformative processes: "addition", "abbreviation" (reduction or "<i>pars pro toto</i>", as well as compression in detail) and "reassembly" (producing, what Haseloff ² called ‘<i>Tiersalat</i>’ or "<i>animal salad</i>"), with, of course, all designs having to satisfy the ubiquitous principle "horor vacui" (leave no space empty). Leigh ⁴ added a further factor, that of "ambiguity", which shows itself in the prevalence of dual images of various kinds ⁴.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzXIaMf4EDXVYdlVCbflFT_VdrBTTvMYvWPlkjRJDDwndoWTOd-cgxL_t7Wr-4zivtnEC_90qhvy8ugGhv_4lfwZpx8oY178vZ0LCXj4MhV3WhIJmhUMPAAnljt3Vyj2t0WtLz0kYt6N8/s1600/IMG_6272.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzXIaMf4EDXVYdlVCbflFT_VdrBTTvMYvWPlkjRJDDwndoWTOd-cgxL_t7Wr-4zivtnEC_90qhvy8ugGhv_4lfwZpx8oY178vZ0LCXj4MhV3WhIJmhUMPAAnljt3Vyj2t0WtLz0kYt6N8/s640/IMG_6272.JPG" width="592" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Reproduction 6th century Anglo-Saxon brooch with Salin Style I decoration, based on a brooch from Grave 22, Chessell Down, Isle of Wight (in British Museum). </td></tr>
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Haseloff ² proposed to separate Style I into four phases (A to D); however, these cannot really be understood to correspond to individual time periods and are thus best considered as variants of Style I. It is, further, not unusual to find objects which exhibit characteristics, or components corresponding to multiple phases. The <b>Haseloff Phases</b>' characteristic features are the following: </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgDSY71aSSCCVAju7yDyyv8jbyRYhSuNoTmmjRsUzNX36OqN_n9agWQJnLnbnOTbtAC4uLKQclqEdxg9V3t1acPBN9KeUz1MhV5fP172OF2uNU6O2DKhAqKOqeP1oFItM5GKeyZxYNhdXI/s1600/IMG_4594.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgDSY71aSSCCVAju7yDyyv8jbyRYhSuNoTmmjRsUzNX36OqN_n9agWQJnLnbnOTbtAC4uLKQclqEdxg9V3t1acPBN9KeUz1MhV5fP172OF2uNU6O2DKhAqKOqeP1oFItM5GKeyZxYNhdXI/s400/IMG_4594.JPG" width="278" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Style-I decorated square-headed brooch, Bidford-on-Avon cemetery (Warwick Musuem)</td></tr>
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<b>Phase A</b> – depictions of animal-human hybrids (<i>Tiermenschen</i>), no zoomorphic figures in the central area of the composition, which, like the earlier Nydam Style, is reserved for geometric or plant motifs. In Phase A, the more prominent features, especially the limbs and heads of the beasts, are modeled in rounded relief bordered by contour-lines. <br />
<b><br />Phase B</b> – Here the zoomorphic ornamentation fills the surface of the object and the bodies of the animals are flat rather than rounded, being distinguished by closely set parallel ridges, bodies are often filled with hatching. <br />
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<b>Phase C</b> – Characterised by the contours, which are of double or triple lines, with the bodies of animals often elongated into "ribbons".<br />
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<b>Phase D</b> – Characterised by beasts with undulating ribbon-like bodies composed of parallel lines, terminating in an animal or human head.<br />
<br />In the archaeological record in England, as well as much of Scandinavia and Germany ² ⁵ the overwhelming bulk of Anglo-Saxon Salin Style I decoration can be found on feminine brooches, particularly those of the saucer and square-headed types ⁶.</div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="height: 692px; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center; width: 545px;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgENTMdOevh2CkjpYUSYoWAfoY-iT-xou6HhrqftNSOr7eiPjdYiNJ6Qprc3Iny5VDumYg-aPslQR6OzRrOyxLSnNw2RF9v4qT6nwWnsMR034e7H84pxb5opRExz4lPieKbIR_cSd62b-w/s1600/img_2724.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgENTMdOevh2CkjpYUSYoWAfoY-iT-xou6HhrqftNSOr7eiPjdYiNJ6Qprc3Iny5VDumYg-aPslQR6OzRrOyxLSnNw2RF9v4qT6nwWnsMR034e7H84pxb5opRExz4lPieKbIR_cSd62b-w/s640/img_2724.jpg" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Huge style-I decorated 6th century great-square-headed brooch from Alveston Manor, Stratford-on-Avon. (Shakespeare Birthplace Trust). </td></tr>
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The dominance of Style I on feminine material, even as the newer, more 'international' Style II was emerging predominantly on martial, masculine gear, has been cited as evidence for inequality of access to artistic development ⁵ , and representative of social changes taking place in the late 6th century, with access to the work of sought-after artisans working in the latest techniques monopolized by an increasingly entrenched, powerful, masculine warrior elite. A notable exception, in Anglo-Saxon territories in Britain, is the corpus of predominantly Anglian Style-I shield decoration (discussed at length by Tania Dickinson ⁷ ) which appear associated with moderate status, but pale in comparison to the state-of-the-art sophistication of Style-II fittings from the unique, rather 'international' shield from Sutton-Hoo Mound 1.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="height: 348px; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center; width: 521px;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtDi-wdJMiqK7lETvidrzNHETbPklpDvRUCloWcSjy0YJ4ql__gehxiNLrd3Sghol5cjhy0uUA-QVkB6RAWuq5PjSI_LAODsgxRXOSwkx3M0zmXPu6d5FTwtUMonf6zCUaHmk1fFL8cis/s1600/IMG_5016.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="295" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtDi-wdJMiqK7lETvidrzNHETbPklpDvRUCloWcSjy0YJ4ql__gehxiNLrd3Sghol5cjhy0uUA-QVkB6RAWuq5PjSI_LAODsgxRXOSwkx3M0zmXPu6d5FTwtUMonf6zCUaHmk1fFL8cis/s400/IMG_5016.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Thegns replica of decorated shield boss from Bidford-on-Avon grave 182, showing enigmatic Salin Style-I / Haseloff A decoration</td></tr>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
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It seems likely, then, that as Style II arrived, practiced by elite artisans supplying elite warrior chiefs and traded beyond tribal boundaries, Style-I continued to be practiced by more local craftspeople, supplying less sophisticated items to more local markets.<br />
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<h2>
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><br /> Salin Style II</span></h2>
<h2>
</h2>
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This second major phase of zoomorphic art emerged around 560-570 CE and coincided with the end of the Migration period. From an English perspective, Style II is the dominant decorative style of the most famous Anglo-Saxon archaeological material - that of Sutton Hoo Mound 1, Taplow, Prittlewell, and the Staffordshire Hoard ¹⁰.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00035/AN00035178_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="316" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00035/AN00035178_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Solid gold Sutton Hoo mound-1 great buckle. Complex Anglian Salin Style-II interlace augmented with niello (black) inlay to bring out the detail. (British Museum)<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><br />
<a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN01258/AN01258510_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="360" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN01258/AN01258510_001_l.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Close-up of the above. Note contoured snake-like bodies, biting beast-heads, tear-drop shaped shoulders, occasional claws, and "hats" on the bird heads (top right). (British Museum)</td></tr>
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This new style remained popular until around the middle of the 7th century CE, and became incorporated into more sophisticated crafts such as gold-filligree work, pressblech, silver and gold inlay (tauscheringwork) or even incorporated into garnet cloisonne designs.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgZugiJiTsRMoNKzIYryNNmy2Tep-r-Arkz8boBNfoIHg_H9R-vguy5WjBQjIXwcirqL7KWFZHEqUbtVYId-U3dCw0HYSv0AfzWpl7KO8_ywsxH2XLg83HKYX6whAZ2VLRFf1h2EFpOLao/s1600/968853_422862044494235_362031020_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="260" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgZugiJiTsRMoNKzIYryNNmy2Tep-r-Arkz8boBNfoIHg_H9R-vguy5WjBQjIXwcirqL7KWFZHEqUbtVYId-U3dCw0HYSv0AfzWpl7KO8_ywsxH2XLg83HKYX6whAZ2VLRFf1h2EFpOLao/s400/968853_422862044494235_362031020_n.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Replicas of Style-II bird-head terminals, gold and garnet cloisonne, from Staffordshire Hoard. (By George Easton, www.danegeld.co.uk). </td></tr>
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Style-II is broadly considered to have gradually replaced the earlier zoomorphic styles which had become devolved and increasingly simplistic by the mid-6th century CE, although the latter may be an artifact of the abandonment of Style-I by elite artisans, continuing only to be practiced by less skillful hands ⁵.<br />
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Salin Style II ¹ was composed of back-biting interlacing ribbon-bodied animals (hence Kendrick’s name "Ribbon Style" ³) with snake-like heads with no pretense of naturalism and rarely any legs. The animal-shape often became almost lost in the ornamental patterns, typically using interlace. For example, on the Sutton Hoo purse-lid, two animals confront each other in perfect symmetry forming the shape of a heart. However, often it is possible to tease out individual beasts; birds’ hooked beaks and clawed feet being easy to spot.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDDP8EtnDX-pz1ytld0xpl3HFQqAVMTMVZ3H-B_Y0UgiV4EL0Spw5xHzock_QWYEbgWb33Ci7SoFXYcbZsbyaGIX0gbWLWcuLUg-2FCehLcAZClnCciAY8QKK87lpX3VLBjOiEhG-zCWg/s1600/IMG_5485.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="302" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDDP8EtnDX-pz1ytld0xpl3HFQqAVMTMVZ3H-B_Y0UgiV4EL0Spw5xHzock_QWYEbgWb33Ci7SoFXYcbZsbyaGIX0gbWLWcuLUg-2FCehLcAZClnCciAY8QKK87lpX3VLBjOiEhG-zCWg/s400/IMG_5485.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Devolved Anglian Style-II interlace in gold filligree - a sword pyramid found near Bury St Edmunds (Moyses Hall Museum)</td></tr>
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Although, looking across any collection of Style II items, clear variation can be seen across space and time, Style-II has nevertheless proved a greater challenge to further classify. The best effort in this direction has been by archaeologist Karen Høilund Nielsen ⁵ ⁸ ⁹, using sophisticated statistical methods. Here, it is the shape of beasts' heads, limbs, and feet which are particularly diagnostic ⁸.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00758/AN00758919_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="266" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00758/AN00758919_001_l.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">C7th silver-gilt sword-fittings from Crundale Down, Kent, showing "Kentish" Salin Style-II biting beasts (British Museum).<br />
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Høilund Nielsen's work suggests that Style-II can be divided into two parallel, evolving artistic schools - one focused on Kent, and the other on East Anglia ⁸. These two schools / seriations encompass great variation over time, as both progress from their origins in the late 6th century to the sophisticated insular art of the 8th (discussed in the next installment of this series). Broadly, the Kentish school can be seen to be heavily influenced by, and to some extent also, in turn, influencing artistic developments in the Frankish Empire ⁸, ¹⁰. Conversely, the Anglian school of Style II can be seen to be more heavily influenced by the art of Scandinavia (particularly Denmark) ⁹ .<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDKHjAkx8IF9OuM8-YhYHPxKj34Q3NPdpupiAL2oLnte-9IJ6T6BNd__N7dRCRnSpnNAfzIqrBgTUZAyRd_cME6YjxHEVVAVSMauYuU7kmLUT1VMvKbBOI_hamPZu3MMmzeEXmj3m5yYw/s1600/IMG_9767.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="464" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDKHjAkx8IF9OuM8-YhYHPxKj34Q3NPdpupiAL2oLnte-9IJ6T6BNd__N7dRCRnSpnNAfzIqrBgTUZAyRd_cME6YjxHEVVAVSMauYuU7kmLUT1VMvKbBOI_hamPZu3MMmzeEXmj3m5yYw/s640/IMG_9767.JPG" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Gilded copper-alloy plaque displaying mature Scandinavian style-II interlace (National Musuem of Denmark)</td></tr>
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The correspondence of artistic style between particular consolidating Anglo-Saxon kingdoms and their continental counterparts is considered evidence of diplomatic ties and alliances across the North Sea ⁹, ¹⁰. <br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqtoFGi1vnbHhiQdyXliJVx6DA2ro32Wz82JHSdTOMcnNxuza-GqYvNWH-0VEFWNvxNeU4MZrfkMCfxkLWKKeM_7CiOpGhan_wuWFQpPNf77I7sdmml4ZbKBfgKakFSJBXpJ5kkRZmyDo/s1600/IMG_0078.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="480" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqtoFGi1vnbHhiQdyXliJVx6DA2ro32Wz82JHSdTOMcnNxuza-GqYvNWH-0VEFWNvxNeU4MZrfkMCfxkLWKKeM_7CiOpGhan_wuWFQpPNf77I7sdmml4ZbKBfgKakFSJBXpJ5kkRZmyDo/s640/IMG_0078.JPG" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Frankish great buckle decorated with Salin-Style II interlace in tauscheringwork (silver inlay into iron) from the Netherlands. (Valkof Museum, Nijmegen). </td></tr>
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As we will see in the next chapter of this series, throughout the 7th century, and particularly into 8th, Christianisation of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms would lead to a collision of Germanic art styles with more "Celtic" or "Brythonic" art that had been developing in isolation since the Roman collapse. This collision would lead to some of the most spectacular art in European history, represented in whole new types of media. </div>
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table.MsoNormalTable
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mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
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mso-para-margin-left:0cm;
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mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri;
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mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;
mso-ansi-language:EN-GB;}
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<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="index 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="index 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="index 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="footnote text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="index heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of figures"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="envelope address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="footnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<b>__________________________________</b></div>
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span>
<br />
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(1) Carl Bernhard Salin (1904) Die altgermanische Thierornamentik.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(2) Günther Haseloff (1972) Salin's Style I.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(3) T.W. Kendrick (1934) Style in Early Anglo-Saxon Ornament. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(4) Leigh, D. (1984). Ambiguity in Anglo-Saxon Style I art. The Antiquaries Journal, 64(01), 34-42.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(5).Høilund Nielsen, K. (1997) The Chronological and Social Analysis of Archaeological Burial Data</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(6) Dickinson, T.M. (2002) Translating animal art: Salin’s Style I and Anglo-Saxon cast saucer brooches.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(7) Dickinson, T.M. (2005). Symbols of protection: The significance of animal-ornamented shields in early Anglo-Saxon England." Medieval Archaeology 49.1</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(8) Nielsen, K. H., 1999. ‘Style II and the Anglo-Saxon élite’,</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(9) Nielsen, K. H. (1997). Retainers of the Scandinavian Kings: An Alternative Interpretation of Salin's Style II (Sixth-Seventh Centuries AD). Journal of European Archaeology, 5(1), 151-169.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(10) Nielsen, K. H. (2010). Style II and all that: the potential of the hoard for statistical study of chronology and geographical distributions </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Consulted:</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"> Frans Theuws, Janet Laughland Nelson (2000) Rituals of Power: From Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages edited by Frans Theuws, Janet Laughland Nelson. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Rosie Weetch, curator and Craig Williams, illustrator, British Museum (28 May 2014) Decoding Anglo-Saxon art</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Laing, Lloyd, and Laing, Jennifer (1979) Anglo-Saxon England.</span></div>
</div>
Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-79165392704356390722017-02-13T16:00:00.000+00:002017-02-13T19:07:48.683+00:00Art Styles - Part 1<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;">Art of the Anglo-Saxon and Vikings - </span></h3>
<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;">
Part 1: Introduction, and Rudimentary Decoration</span></h3>
<div style="text-align: right;">
<h3>
<span style="color: #666666;">-Dr Andrew Thompson </span></h3>
</div>
<div>
<br />
It is clear that the creation of art is one of the defining characteristics of humanity, and civilization. In its strictest sense ‘art’ refers to works made with the intention of being aesthetically pleasing rather than serving any other function, however, a broader definition would include the decoration of functional objects such as tools (what might now be referred to as “arts and crafts”), and the majority of works of ‘art’ from Northern Europe during the what we in England call the 'Anglo-Saxon' and 'Viking' periods would fall into this latter category. </div>
<div>
<br />
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjWfYsPKhF8_j43J9_vwm9E5f8zD7up1OwwUzZmoyh2d6qFTIxYaRSa2PmVWclRaKQmpHcmncs8Nqv2JPdjd9s_VHon9nhSlyMZrx_ysdUU9WEv1fv3rL4P0Pyd8v5ZLgctNZf5Oat9gZk/s1600/IMG_6272.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjWfYsPKhF8_j43J9_vwm9E5f8zD7up1OwwUzZmoyh2d6qFTIxYaRSa2PmVWclRaKQmpHcmncs8Nqv2JPdjd9s_VHon9nhSlyMZrx_ysdUU9WEv1fv3rL4P0Pyd8v5ZLgctNZf5Oat9gZk/s320/IMG_6272.JPG" width="296" /></a>In this context, decoration may have served to personalise objects, or have even greater significance - perhaps serving as an emblem for a particular group identity, or serve as a focus for story-telling, much as stained-glass windows did in later medieval churches. The Anglo-Saxons, 'Vikings' and associated Northern European cultures in this period seem to have enjoyed stories, riddles and puzzles, and it may be that their artwork often had a layer of meaning that would be easy for them to tease out, but is extremely difficult for us, who are not steeped in their mythology. </div>
<div>
<br />
For those studying, or (like us) hoping to recreate the material culture of these peoples, a broad, working understanding of their art styles is arguably essential. To that end it is hoped this series of articles, containing annotated summaries of the broad artistic styles of these cultures and periods, will be useful. <br />
<br />
<a name='more'></a><br />
<br />
It is not my intention to try to advance the field of Migration and Viking-Age art studies, and the explanations below must be considered to be summaries only. A number of far more authoritative and comprehensive (if not comprehensible) articles are included in the reference material cited at the end of each chapter. This is a challenging subject but certainly worth studying.<b></b><i></i><u></u><sub></sub><sup></sup><strike></strike></div>
<div>
</div>
<br />
To the modern eye, used to functional or clean minimalism (itself a deeply culturally ingrained acquired taste which ultimately derives from the artistic effects of the Protestant Reformation) the creative environment of Northern Europe in the first millennium may seem over-decorated. No item seems to have been left plain and undecorated, and even simple every-day and relatively disposable items such as combs almost always had some kind of ornamentation. The obsession with decorating objects to the maximum - the implied abhorrence of empty space (“<i>horror vacui</i>”) is perhaps the single uniting principle of art from 400-1100 CE (as it is, to an extent, it was in neighboring eras), and may have its roots in the relatively high value / scarcity of refined materials - particularly metal, stone or velum - compared to the lower value / scarcity of crafts-peoples’ time. If an item had been made from hugely valuable material it would be wasteful not to go the extra mile by devoting a few hours to decorating it. This contrasts strongly with our own circumstances in the 21st century, where materials are, broadly speaking, relatively cheap, and the monetary value of the hours spent decorating a functional item might often exceed the value invested in the materials. In this sense it is no surprise that, in our everyday lives, so many of our functional possessions are left un-decorated.<br />
<br />
Across the whole period concerned, the sophistication of art and decoration varied widely depending on the value or status associated with an item, or the creative context from which it originated. Thus, while highly sophisticated art-works, presumably the preserve of a relatively small class of highly skilled and sought-after craftspeople, show clear stylistic development over time, more “every-day” items originating in lower-status contexts, perhaps made by the owner themselves, or by a semi-skilled local craftsperson, show distinctive, rudimentary but often highly conserved artistic styles. Though most academic study has understandably been confined to the former, it is important not to overlook the latter. <br />
<br />
<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;">Rudimentary Decorative Styles</span></h3>
<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;">
</span></h3>
As previously mentioned, a number of rudimentary decorative styles exist which seem to be associated with more grass-roots crafts, although occasionally crop up on higher-value objects. Many of these decorative styles have their origins in much earlier periods, and often persist right through and beyond the Anglo Saxon and ‘Viking Age’. They can be interpreted as gestures towards ‘filling the vacuum’, by less specialist craftspeople (as opposed to full-time ‘artists’), often working in less cooperative materials. The following list is not comprehensive, but includes a number of very common, and, for the most part, long-lived styles. <br />
<br />
<h4>
Ring and Dot</h4>
<h4>
</h4>
<h4>
</h4>
Perhaps the most common of simple decorative motifs across all of European history, ring and dot is extremely ancient - certainly present on personal items all the way back to the Bronze Age, and, perhaps, represented in its very earliest form, in the “cup and ring marks” of the Neolithic. Any attempts to infer some kind of meaning of this very common motif would be pure, arguably pointless speculation.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e3/Anglo-Saxon_bone_comb,_World_Museum_Liverpool.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e3/Anglo-Saxon_bone_comb,_World_Museum_Liverpool.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Bone comb from 6th century Anglo-Saxon grave</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
However, if it did not have very particular, useful characteristics, it would not have persisted from deep prehistory all the way through into the Medieval period proper. Ring-and-dot motifs (often with perfectly concentric rings), when carved into hard materials such as the bone or antler of combs, exhibit perfect regularity, and were achieved using a toothed bit with a longer central spike, which could be dug into the surface and then rotated (either by hand, or using a bow-drill) on its axis as to dig concentric, perfectly circular grooves. Such perfect regularity, in this case resulting from rotation of the tool, analogous to a potter’s wheel, is extremely elusive when working freehand with simple tools. Human beings are hardwired to find order and symmetry pleasing to the eye, and the kind of perfect “order” exhibited by this simple motif is practically impossible to achieve in other ways without machinery or tools of geometry. Further, ring-and-dot motifs carved/drilled using the same bit will be pleasingly identical, so a scheme of ring-and-dot motifs on an object will tend to exhibit a pleasing regularity. It is this uniquely easily achieved “order” which probably lies at the root of its appeal, and persistence through the centuries.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi85-Uy0qWLUDO3gSwIP82sE04ceIj0Ks19iavOa82OsaNEITE7aOjQYt-HhEWomUJHThZASsDtzpfAeBeJHq2Dct4UYg84dxQPcUac4iwUQrrPcBgpSIR7cUXVl1iRsNkwPMhrEdYXz_Y/s1600/IMG_4599.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi85-Uy0qWLUDO3gSwIP82sE04ceIj0Ks19iavOa82OsaNEITE7aOjQYt-HhEWomUJHThZASsDtzpfAeBeJHq2Dct4UYg84dxQPcUac4iwUQrrPcBgpSIR7cUXVl1iRsNkwPMhrEdYXz_Y/s400/IMG_4599.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Bone-inlaid buckle and belt-mount set from Oxfordshire (Oxfordshire Museum, Woodstock). </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2RkF8FdW42i3EWRthAMwp417z4eJnarN9zTTTvlEjbtzKMRvDXnLcXcyWA79RdEOx2j5kcYH2byrybbgJHHBw6NS9WnK7_x7ytJ_yTIYTSrbPEVPDU3rIeknC_VJhVFgOne6mnziSRBw/s1600/IMG_9064.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2RkF8FdW42i3EWRthAMwp417z4eJnarN9zTTTvlEjbtzKMRvDXnLcXcyWA79RdEOx2j5kcYH2byrybbgJHHBw6NS9WnK7_x7ytJ_yTIYTSrbPEVPDU3rIeknC_VJhVFgOne6mnziSRBw/s640/IMG_9064.JPG" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Silver-inlaid ring and dots on a 4th century spearhead from Illerup Ådal (<span class="searchmatch">Moesgård</span> <span class="searchmatch">Museum</span>, Denmark) </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<h4>
Swastika</h4>
<h4>
</h4>
An ancient family of symbols which appear occasionally on archaeological finds, these too are defined by symmetry and rotation, although, unlike ring-and-dot motifs, must be very carefully carved or punched freehand. Number of prongs varies from three (triskele) up. These symbols are most commonly found on simple personal items, or occasionally stamped into vessels such as cinerary urns. <br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00032/AN00032956_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="552" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00032/AN00032956_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">5th-6th century Anglo-Saxon cinerary urn from North Elham, Norfolk. (British Museum)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
However, the swastika is not entirely confined to simple items and
crafts, bleeding through into more sophisticated and technical items of
personal art, including elaborate textiles (the gold brocaded
tablet-weave from Chessel Down, Isle of Wight 1855/Grave I, and the
famous Snartemo V tablet weave from 6th century Norway), and
sophisticated metalwork (the such as the 7th century garnet and
filigree raven pendant from King’s Field, Faversham, the similar gold
pendant from the Wieuwerd (Friesland) Hoard,and the bronze Andernach
Pendant from Germany, each of which represent the spokes of the wheel as
birds of prey).<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhf_PC9Ugee5w-oNM9rYEKgfnmgVNPFZ2SDE9NtOMoFIEHSbdb2LBcEO5xF1MkFvfEQDijD95GRQnbIsu3eKcJihfp7R9LK4KOZ47T1voUF3KahxUEV5PQGF3rODTvD5KVw7n2qP26J2Qo/s1600/IMG_0163.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhf_PC9Ugee5w-oNM9rYEKgfnmgVNPFZ2SDE9NtOMoFIEHSbdb2LBcEO5xF1MkFvfEQDijD95GRQnbIsu3eKcJihfp7R9LK4KOZ47T1voUF3KahxUEV5PQGF3rODTvD5KVw7n2qP26J2Qo/s640/IMG_0163.JPG" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">7th century Pendant from Wieuwerd (Friesland) Hoard (Rijksmuseum Van Oudheden, Leiden, NL). </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
Unlike most other decorative motifs, the meaning of swastika symbols to Northern Europeans at the time is easier to unpick; It has been theorized* that this symbol was associated with the thunder god Þunor, possibly representing his hammer, which symbolised thunder. It may have originally derived from the ‘sun-wheel swastika’, with curved outer limbs, which is first seen in the Bronze Age. The swastika seems to have had special significance as a funerary symbol and may reflect the belief in the hallowing power of the hammer of the thunder-god. This belief is shown in the runic inscription on the Velanda Runestone, Sweden, which means "may Þórr hallow."<br />
<br />
<i>*H.R. Ellis Davidson (1965). Gods and Myths of Northern Europe</i><br />
<br />
<br />
<h4>
Hatching, Parallel Lines and Strapwork </h4>
A commonly used technique, particularly on items such as combs, was to carve designs consisting of parallel lines, either concentric borders, or zones of oblique hatching (sometimes within partitioned areas in geometric shapes), into surfaces. As well as creating a textured surface which functions to increase grip, this type of decoration has the impressive quality of, like the Ring and Dot motif, creating a very ‘ordered’ look. <br />
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</div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtQ1Pnmu9pUXgqrELSjvBmFSsuBjy5vhw6-mmHh-kyMu1hTkSQpAuwiM_tFDVu_6QcT7OxwqjM8NH3Ck-DucYLqPOiZCsQNE1ohNLm-Tg-XaXBzOLEPrCDzcbbdA1FyqnHLA99oP0Mxeo/s1600/viking+combs%252C+haithabu.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="416" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtQ1Pnmu9pUXgqrELSjvBmFSsuBjy5vhw6-mmHh-kyMu1hTkSQpAuwiM_tFDVu_6QcT7OxwqjM8NH3Ck-DucYLqPOiZCsQNE1ohNLm-Tg-XaXBzOLEPrCDzcbbdA1FyqnHLA99oP0Mxeo/s640/viking+combs%252C+haithabu.png" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Combs from Haithabu / Hedeby- Viking Schleswig. (Schloss Gottorf Museum, Schleswig, Germany). </td></tr>
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Close examination often reveals such lines to be irregularly spaced, or imperfectly arranged, as one might expect from a semi-skilled craftsperson carving lines free-hand, yet the overall effect gives the impression of perfectly ordered designs and textures, almost as if produced by a machine. This tendency for the human eye to interpret such textures as perfectly ordered at anything other than ultra-close examination, may explain their appeal and longevity. Like the ring-and-dot, these patterns are an easy way to produce visually pleasing order using basic tools. <br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtJa3YbJjRLTVMdEsAGP-P4H6e_H1o7xikTwtpFgdhkfAzMjYVqu2-SPyApwLQvsuFSQyB10o4FUOukwJv86CUnDvEiB1-RZD5rZhhVvJF-DW8OG2YdXZT7LG1cdguVHwNgh2eMRQlPzA/s1600/hatching.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="464" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtJa3YbJjRLTVMdEsAGP-P4H6e_H1o7xikTwtpFgdhkfAzMjYVqu2-SPyApwLQvsuFSQyB10o4FUOukwJv86CUnDvEiB1-RZD5rZhhVvJF-DW8OG2YdXZT7LG1cdguVHwNgh2eMRQlPzA/s640/hatching.JPG" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr align="center"><td class="tr-caption">Close-up of C10th seax sheath from Parliament Street, York. Tooled interlace below, and alternating hatching /dogtooth pattern above. (York Castle Museum). </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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Examples such as the preserved 10th century seax sheath from Parliament Street, York, demonstrate that such patterns were used to decorate leatherwork, and may represent a long-lived, default technique for neat space-filling decoration on a wide range of materials. <br />
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<h3>
Runes</h3>
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Contrasting strongly to this sense of visually pleasing order, are crude runic inscriptions which appear occasionally, though rarely, on items from the Iron Age into the Migration Period. These, almost always crudely scratched into the surface of an object, perhaps with a knife, are cut shallow and with irregular letter size and shape.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh__AOMZj9p6e5ZH91I2VjVYZWtaCmh5rh92hwxFx7Hgs8ZmFlLdZV7S17tVT2XsIhdXtkoKSyXwACGD5Ln_RUm8oIOu9j6J4aRvaJx5tQDW81fJzmoeJ1RVj6vXqxVZVVFv6YUdGB9UeM/s1600/Antler_comb_from_Vimose%252C_Funen%252C_Denmark_%2528DR_207%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="326" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh__AOMZj9p6e5ZH91I2VjVYZWtaCmh5rh92hwxFx7Hgs8ZmFlLdZV7S17tVT2XsIhdXtkoKSyXwACGD5Ln_RUm8oIOu9j6J4aRvaJx5tQDW81fJzmoeJ1RVj6vXqxVZVVFv6YUdGB9UeM/s400/Antler_comb_from_Vimose%252C_Funen%252C_Denmark_%2528DR_207%2529.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Comb from<a href="http://en.natmus.dk/historical-knowledge/denmark/prehistoric-period-until-1050-ad/the-early-iron-age/the-weapon-deposit-from-vimose/the-offerings-in-vimose/" target="_blank"> Vimose, Denmark</a>. Circa 150 CE. Currently the oldest dateable runic inscription. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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These crude inscriptions are not confined to lowly personal items such as combs (<a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2013/01/combs-and-lice.html" target="_blank">read more about combs, inlcuding the rune-inscribed comb from Vimose, here</a>), but even elaborately decorated and well made high-status objects (such as the Chessel Down Throat, <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2011/12/chessell-down-scabbard-mount.html" target="_blank">see article</a>, or Nordendorf Fibula, <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/nordendorf-fibulae.html" target="_blank">see article</a>) where such inscriptions (though hugely useful to modern archaeologists) could almost be seen as acts of artistic vandalism.<br />
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<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgRU_2WWqXOCywfKv3i22AfEFkXz9cEJydLvaIsBz_eVrUz4k1SCZfP1SJgz53Vq-D05WAAftqysiLXob8i08nxQcF8hfVAtnRJL5HitGfhN37aHcu2lydFz7z5Jw8kqiW2LIBuWpz4EY/s1600/br-chesselldownplates.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="201" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgRU_2WWqXOCywfKv3i22AfEFkXz9cEJydLvaIsBz_eVrUz4k1SCZfP1SJgz53Vq-D05WAAftqysiLXob8i08nxQcF8hfVAtnRJL5HitGfhN37aHcu2lydFz7z5Jw8kqiW2LIBuWpz4EY/s640/br-chesselldownplates.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Reverse of the C6th Anglo-Saxon <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2011/12/chessell-down-scabbard-mount.html" target="_blank">scabbard mount from Chessel Down, grave 76.</a> </td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"></td></tr>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00033/AN00033564_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00033/AN00033564_001_l.jpg" width="396" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">6th century radiate-headed brooch from Kent (back) showing scratched runes on the footplate. (British Museum)</td></tr>
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Added to these, arguably, could be added the runes included in 5th-6th century cinerary urns such as the famous example from Loveden Hill, Lincolnshire (pictured), or the Alu cipher-runes which appear on three cinerary urns from Spong Hill, Norfolk. These were evidently carved into the clay before firing.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ae/British_Museum_Loveden_Urn.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="386" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ae/British_Museum_Loveden_Urn.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Rune-inscribed 5th-6th century CE Anglo-Saxon cinerary urn from Loveden Hill, Lincolnshire. </td></tr>
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<br />
These runes can hardly be described as an artistic style, yet it is undoubtedly the case that, into the middle and late Anglo-Saxon period, and so-called “Viking Age”, rune carving had undoubtedly become a sophisticated art form, in beautiful metal inlay (as on the 9th-10th century <a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=86215&partId=1" target="_blank">Seax of Beagnoth / “Thames Scramasax”</a>), carefully carved into bone (as on the 8th century Anglo-Saxon Franks Casket, <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank">see article</a>) or carved and painted into stone (as on countless ‘Viking’ runestones, or the spectacular 8th century Anglo-Saxon <a href="https://www.visitscotland.com/info/see-do/ruthwell-cross-p254741" target="_blank">Ruthwell Cross</a>).<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" target="_blank"><img border="0" height="230" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi_s5sg-p7naNkE1RM7gG3Y4yIpfDLEX_kCEz8L2OUBVarTA1CS7Wvb3csl7zp9jLJr_38ONFdFENIx9jW-RGWLOEavw_HrHMkmWRISsIIULX4-xhF_VMeBzUFMJu7KRP98c9YvZUe4cLo/s400/LEFT.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Runes finely carved into whale-bone <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank">- The Franks Casket</a><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" target="_blank">, c8th Anglo-Saxon treasure box</a>. </td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank"><br /></a></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank"><br /></a></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank"><br /></a></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank"><br /></a></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank"><br /></a></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank"><br /></a></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/franks-casket-summary.html" target="_blank"><br /></a></td></tr>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00034/AN00034872_001_l.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="256" src="https://www.britishmuseum.org/collectionimages/AN00034/AN00034872_001_l.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Wolf-headed <a href="http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=98159&partId=1&object=20504&page=1" target="_blank">seax-chape from Westminster</a>, c8th Anglo-Saxon, featuring finely cut runes. </td></tr>
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Although the tradition of raising carved stones, with runic inscriptions first appeared in the 4th-5th century (with early examples including the Möjbro Runestone from Hagby, Uppland, Sweden), the tradition evolved and hugely expanded during the 9th-11th centuries. The reasons for rune-stones to be carved and erected, often themselves included as part of the inscription, are diverse, yet the occasional inclusion of the name of the carver in such inscriptions provides proof that the carving of rune-stones was a specialist craft. The obvious division of rune-stones into distinct and evolving stylistic phases further supports rune-carving being considered an art. The typology used today, devised by Anne-Sophie Gräslund in the 1990s, divides rune-stones of the period 980-1130 CE into phases RAK, FP, Pr1, Pr2, Pr3, Pr4, and Pr5, which will be discussed in more detail in a later installment of this series.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiMv_xgG1Y0QW2_QzSoxpBVY3mhBooIXNA2FVyaj1a7KKOFpXnbR_BbBv7aoD6r2c6txkWXU2pw9dvBHjdU7PqiZVELw0bJCHnE-6_HBNRD71NoXwRCZy0RVUiaai7OvGwDrTVB3a0nZ6o/s1600/IMG_9111.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiMv_xgG1Y0QW2_QzSoxpBVY3mhBooIXNA2FVyaj1a7KKOFpXnbR_BbBv7aoD6r2c6txkWXU2pw9dvBHjdU7PqiZVELw0bJCHnE-6_HBNRD71NoXwRCZy0RVUiaai7OvGwDrTVB3a0nZ6o/s640/IMG_9111.JPG" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Harald Bluethooth's runestone (the larger of the two Jelling Stones) featuring elaborate pictoral carvings, and well ordered runic script. Inscription reads "<i>"King Haraldr ordered this monument made in memory of Gormr, his
father, and in memory of Thyrvé, his mother; that Haraldr who won for
himself all of Denmark and Norway and made the Danes Christian." -</i> (Jelling World Heritage Site, Denmark. <i>)</i></td></tr>
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Broadly, however, it can be observed that earlier rune-stones have their inscriptions organised into neat, but rigid lines with no, or little superfluous artistic elements, while later, lines of runes become increasingly snake-like, interlacing, coiling and twisting, and beginning and ending with stylized heads and tails. The heads and tails of these rune-beasts correspond closely to the contemporaneous animal-art phases represented in other media such as Viking jewellery, and are therefore useful for dating purposes. <br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbcZWKEVwbHiM1Jz5kre2aSC-oZ5IO-YhcTXlYKkF5LAUXismP7vrZsFlQHGp6-dsw2H3wezh8O8ifRlcUoDeFFFrCCGWoaik9WV-OpMuHCsvtQgyHTBB7lWXFd27vZkvwlngh27kKtAU/s1600/IMG_9002.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbcZWKEVwbHiM1Jz5kre2aSC-oZ5IO-YhcTXlYKkF5LAUXismP7vrZsFlQHGp6-dsw2H3wezh8O8ifRlcUoDeFFFrCCGWoaik9WV-OpMuHCsvtQgyHTBB7lWXFd27vZkvwlngh27kKtAU/s640/IMG_9002.JPG" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Replica Viking runestone, brightly painted as others are believed to have been in their day. (Ribe Viking Centre, Ribe, Denmark). </td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td></tr>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/42/U_871_%C3%96lsta.tif/lossy-page1-1024px-U_871_%C3%96lsta.tif.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="633" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/42/U_871_%C3%96lsta.tif/lossy-page1-1024px-U_871_%C3%96lsta.tif.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Runestone from Ölsta, Uppland, Sweden. U871. (Currently located at Skansen, Stockholm). Decoration corresponding to Urnes Style. Paint scheme as seen, was reconstructed in 1991 by Swedish Rune Authority. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<br />
The techniques discussed so far exist at the fringes of the study of art from this period and cultures, which is otherwise typified by unusual, abstract designs, including mysterious animals and complicated interlace.<br />
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In coming installments of this illustrated series, we will be looking at the various phases of 'northern' Migration-Age animal art and their antecedents, examining the sophisticated Insular art which emerged when 'Celtic' and 'Germanic' artistic cultures collided in Anglo-Saxon England, and then navigating the explosion of distinctive art-styles which emerged in Scandinavia during the "Viking Age". Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-50368518480925963902016-03-26T12:58:00.000+00:002016-04-25T04:16:27.339+01:00Shields: How small is too small?<h1 class="western">
Shields: How small is too small?</h1>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiddxHqUrqy8s21E27dp1pPOoSm1UwObATp4Q2hyphenhyphen_xCChY-MIozpobTYOZiN_kxch3R_SI39hmvrTKlDVUhzhZ_iET67d22XsqvYXdO4HOqWTMxBmrcjvqpJBYVyErNYCSJgos_Hvhq1z8/s1600/IMG_8081.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiddxHqUrqy8s21E27dp1pPOoSm1UwObATp4Q2hyphenhyphen_xCChY-MIozpobTYOZiN_kxch3R_SI39hmvrTKlDVUhzhZ_iET67d22XsqvYXdO4HOqWTMxBmrcjvqpJBYVyErNYCSJgos_Hvhq1z8/s320/IMG_8081.JPG" width="260" /></a></div>
Few, or perhaps no items of personal warrior gear are more important to our image of an Anglo-Saxon, or Viking warrior than the shield. Our understanding of this most essential piece of war-gear is informed, to some extent by pictoral depictions and written references, but, mainly, by patchy but nonetheless reliable inferences from cemetery archaeology.<br />
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Of the studies of Anglo-Saxon shields, arguably the most frequently cited, and informative, is Dickinson and Härke (1992) which, among other issues, seeks to shed light on the murky subject of shield size. Many readers, particularly those from the reenactment community, will be surprised to read that shields could often be as small as 34cm – certainly of no use for building interlocking 'shield-walls' described in later poetry, which we are led to believe was the dominant combat strategy as far back as the period of pagan burials. <br />
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Over 20 years on from the publication of this still critically important work, this observation has gradually exerted influence on some modern impressions of warriors from the period, and even beyond, given the limited evidence for late Anglo-Saxon shields, and limited availability of information on 'Viking' ones. It is further, not uncommon to hear, repeated by respected historians, the assertion that most early Anglo-Saxon shields were “little more than bucklers”. To what extent is this statement accurate? Just how small were Anglo-Saxon shields?<br />
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<a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0c/The_Repton_Stone-_detail.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0c/The_Repton_Stone-_detail.JPG" width="232" /></a></div>
Depictions of early to middle Anglo-Saxon shields, and the shields of associated cultures, seem to support the notion that shields were small in diameter. The Repton Stone (8th century CE, left) shows a shield smaller than the figure's head, while the roughly contemporaneous Franks Casket depicts shields of various sizes, from a roughly head-sized shield from the box's right panel, to slightly larger, but nevertheless diminutive shields (relative to the figures carrying them) on the box's lid. The validity of this latter depiction is somewhat muddied by the fact that the figures depicted carrying these shields aloft to defend themselves from a rain of arrows are believed to be giants.<br />
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The 9th-10th century Middleton “warrior” cross depicting a figure in funereal display shows a shield barely half the size of the figure's head, while depictions of shields on pressblech foils from the Sutton-Hoo mound 1 helmet, and their Vendel-culture parallels are more variable.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/51/Franks_Casket_the_right_panel.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="352" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/51/Franks_Casket_the_right_panel.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: 12.8px; text-align: right;">c8th 'Franks Casket' right panel, showing shield-bearing figure (left)</span></td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.franks-casket.de/jpg/frankscasket_lid-p.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://www.franks-casket.de/jpg/frankscasket_lid-p.jpg" height="224" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption"><span style="font-family: inherit;">c8th 'Franks Casket' lid, believed to depict Ægil the Archer fending off shield-carring giants</span></td></tr>
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While processing warriors on the Valsgarde 7 helmet are shown holding shields aloft, no larger than their heads, similar warriors depicted on a foil from the helmet from Vendel 14 show shields somewhat larger, although still not so big in diameter to cover the whole width of the figures' bodies. Shields of mounted warriors depicted on pressblech foils tend to be larger; that depicted on the Valsgarde-8 helmet's mounted-warrior foil is easily wide enough to cover the width of the warrior's body. It is worth noting that, regardless of the size of the shields in these depictions, the shields which accompanied the helmets in many of these graves were of considerable size.<br />
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<span style="font-size: 12.8px;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Mounted warrior pressblech foil designs from Vendel I (above) and Vendel XIV (below)</span></span></div>
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Shield depictions appear on <a href="http://www.staffordshirehoard.org.uk/gallery/foils"><span style="color: blue;">four different foil designs represented in the Staffordshire Hoard (link)</span></a>; the leftward marching warriors' shields are depicted scarcely big enough to cover their chests, the rightward marching (bird-crested helmeted) warriors hold tiny shields aloft, no bigger than their own heads, and the tiny shields of the 'crouching warriors' foil are, once again, of no practical size. The tiny fragment of what is believed to be a mounted warrior foil (Neilsen, 2010), similar to that from the Sutton-Hoo helmet, bears a shield, although there is too little else on the fragment to make judgments about its size relative to other depicted objects.<br />
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The fact that later depictions of shields show them considerably larger need not invalidate the notion that early shields were small. Indeed, the archaeological evidence hints that shields grew, gradually, towards the end of the furnished burial rite in the 7th century – a trend which, if continued, would be consistent with considerably large shields by the end of the 8th (Dickinson & Härke, 1992). <br />
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What unites these earlier depictions of shields is the need to constrain proportions of certain items to fit into a particular frame. A shield of any practical size, designed to “cover the body”, will naturally obscure details one might wish to show on a portrait, be it in silver foil or in stone. In the case of the Repton Stone and many of the pressblech foils, shields are held aloft by the figures depicted precisely for the purpose of occupying empty space above the shoulder, and allowing less of the warriors' bodies to be obscured, exposing more visually interesting details such as belts, armour, and weapons. It's highly likely, too, that shield depictions were sized with this aim in mind. <br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjFQ3Wyp8ib5Xw4dJ1Mkd4Sum1InUuc3C7yo17yv62WIcrt9uSvksUMYpCJdM3OfKT4rh-cplHs-Y7byqfhhqpRXpQW63jjmbXsQJthwWp8aTdkTFMMSivPFIBsnxsuVxJx5sWZhQckqbw/s1600/DSC_0262.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjFQ3Wyp8ib5Xw4dJ1Mkd4Sum1InUuc3C7yo17yv62WIcrt9uSvksUMYpCJdM3OfKT4rh-cplHs-Y7byqfhhqpRXpQW63jjmbXsQJthwWp8aTdkTFMMSivPFIBsnxsuVxJx5sWZhQckqbw/s640/DSC_0262.JPG" width="585" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Thegns member Matt (6 ft.3) with his 78cm diameter shield</td></tr>
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Inferring shield size from written descriptions is a stretch at best, as most are understandably vague, focusing poetically on the shield's aesthetics or role, rather than anything so mundane as technical details. Belonging to a time at least a century or two later than the bulk of shield remains, their relevance is also fairly limited.<br />
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Judging shield size from archaeological remains is fraught with difficulty; soil stains – not always present or reliable, can give an estimate of probable diameter (Dickinson and Härke, 1992). Maximum diameter can be inferred from the position of any edge-fittings, although these fittings are extremely rare anyway, and can shift. Alternatively, maximum shield diameter can be inferred from position of the shield boss relative to the edge of the grave cut; this depends on the cut having a definable edge, and depends on the boss' position not having shifted.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXVS_-QlPh9eANPVvRZ2UBpd8nA8suqJXTqQrO-v3eK3foILTdPx_myu_C4p7fp3dUJHNrNaKqQokxD2BbN4wIgoNEMwEhoGc-2PXd8pG9NtkDwG7G1eschbO-CV3ppWfeU3YXNiPg-Pg/s1600/shield+diagram.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="635" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXVS_-QlPh9eANPVvRZ2UBpd8nA8suqJXTqQrO-v3eK3foILTdPx_myu_C4p7fp3dUJHNrNaKqQokxD2BbN4wIgoNEMwEhoGc-2PXd8pG9NtkDwG7G1eschbO-CV3ppWfeU3YXNiPg-Pg/s640/shield+diagram.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Means of inferring shield board size based on remains</td></tr>
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Minimum shield diameter, is easier to infer; the length of a grip, or position of any board fittings, can be used. The problem is the validity of minimum shield diameter estimates; as I. P. Stephenson (2002) remarks; “Determining the minimum diameter provides no information on the actual size of the shield and, as a result, no meaningful conclusions as to how the shield was used can be drawn from such a calculation”.<br />
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The reason for this, is that 'short' and 'medium' iron grip remains (Dickinson types I and II) could not have extended across the full diameter of the shield board – the former typically being no longer than the diameter of the boss, and the latter barely being twice that length. Even 'long' grips (Dickinson type III) should be treated with suspicion; the one case of a long-gripped (albeit rather atypical) shield for which the board diameter is conclusively known – the shield from Sutton Hoo mound 1, had a board which clearly extended well beyond the ends of it's elaborately embellished grip.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizNEJhrDciR0Bwb5ObRFNHzLp_ss24II2i5a51dmxwdBJUmoT5pBVfIQhT4V01666s0ZxD1l4UMMgo7L91YWhi8H6JeHyLPfCAx3s30bHLMJwj_t6ncmULA4T6RX5HwKyYughyp0LgL8M/s1600/Sutton.Hoo.Shield.Minophis.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizNEJhrDciR0Bwb5ObRFNHzLp_ss24II2i5a51dmxwdBJUmoT5pBVfIQhT4V01666s0ZxD1l4UMMgo7L91YWhi8H6JeHyLPfCAx3s30bHLMJwj_t6ncmULA4T6RX5HwKyYughyp0LgL8M/s400/Sutton.Hoo.Shield.Minophis.jpg" width="393" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">British Museum reconstruction of the kingly Sutton-Hoo mound-1 shield. Curvature of the preserved rim means the diameter (90cm +/-6cm) is known, yet it's long grip extended only across approximately 2/3 of the board. This illustrates that grip length cannot be relied upon to infer board diameter.</td></tr>
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Where board fittings were used, there is no reason to believe that such fittings would have sat perching on the very edge of a shield board, rather than comfortably in an empty field perhaps half way between the boss and the board edge. It is obtuse, but necessary to point out that 'minimum shield diameter' indicates a threshold below which any proposed diameters for a shield find are not feasible. It is incredibly unlikely that any shield studied had a diameter even approaching its estimated “minimum shield diameter”, and yet it is this data which has been used to justify the notion that the so-called “small” shield (defined by Dickinson and Härke, 1992, as being between 0.34 and 0.42m) both existed, and was perhaps more common than larger, more practical boards. <br />
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With Dickinson and Härke's minimum diameter data from their national sample (102 cases), most were between 35cm and 45cm (69 cases), with some finds as small as 20cm, but none larger than 60cm. However, if the minimum diameter data is discarded and only more reliable and informative 'maximum diameter' estimates are used, as suggested by Stephenson (2002), the vast majority of cases (68% of 112 cases) are between 49cm and 73cm. Of the remaining 32%, most are larger than this range – up to 92cm, while relatively few are smaller; between 32 and 45cm. Crucially, shields of a size-range which seemed to be overwhelmingly most common when inferring from the minimum diameter data (the so-called “small shield”, 34-42cm) become little more than a rare oddity when one switches to using more reliable, maximum diameter data.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgo7lrxOCLF7A5x6z7us_Kih_NZjvt8PIroh458Fl4LhhP2PtU6vnP2Azuyw_4EohytuAHGfe0INhiE3d20pinnvZc_Pn1xQhdjw785Eu19cPTYapuy84cwAPwdAZ5xTZwPTHiE5ejsJHY/s1600/IMG_8072.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="528" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgo7lrxOCLF7A5x6z7us_Kih_NZjvt8PIroh458Fl4LhhP2PtU6vnP2Azuyw_4EohytuAHGfe0INhiE3d20pinnvZc_Pn1xQhdjw785Eu19cPTYapuy84cwAPwdAZ5xTZwPTHiE5ejsJHY/s640/IMG_8072.JPG" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">An almost full range of shield sizes; New 6th century 'small shield' reconstruction (41cm) beside an older 92cm shield reproduction inspired by Sutton-Hoo mound 1. </td></tr>
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This is not to say that relatively small shields do not exist in the archaeological record, and do not deserve some degree of explanation. The few, real “small” shields in Dickinson and Härke's national sample are, indeed, “little more than bucklers”, while a good proportion of the well-evidenced and common “medium shields” (45-66cm) are still rather smaller than a warrior of modern proportions might want to protect his body in battle!<br />
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One possibility; that early Anglo-Saxon warriors were simply much smaller than us, can be dismissed. <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2013/04/size-matters.html" target="_blank">As previously discussed (<b>click here</b>)</a>, we can tell from skeletal remains that weapon-bearing Anglo-Saxons often achieved similar heights to modern men, probably thanks to nutritious and reliable diets during upbringing, made possible by their membership of an advantaged elite. Strong bones with substantial muscle attachments show many warriors were quite muscular. Although no doubt substantially leaner, an Anglo-Saxon warrior would have, broadly, as much 'body' to protect with his shield as would a typical modern man.<br />
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It is not impossible that smaller shields served some kind of purpose in looser, skirmishing combat. A small shield has a number of advantages; certainly cheaper and easier to manufacture, requiring fewer planks, it also has fewer plank-joins, therefore potentially being stronger. All shields trade off protection against weight, and a smaller shield could allow a warrior to be more manoeuvrable in loose combat, and could conceivably be made thicker and therefore more reliable in battle, while still being light enough to not exhaust the warrior using it. Dickinson and Härke note, however, that as shields grow larger over time, they also grow thicker. There would seem to be no evidence that smaller shields were indeed built more robustly; the opposite seems to be true. It is, further, worth repeating that a small shield can protect little of the body at any given moment, and certainly cannot be interlocked with neighbours to form a shield-wall. While it is conceivable that a small shield could be used in a dynamic, 'point-defence' fashion, even for the well trained, such protection would surely be more taxing for the user while also introducing a greater element of chance. Why not just use a larger shield?<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnR0HIVTacKgxwqcHgiv7Fjro62EnVRKyg-Grc62YxqYwstsSO9uQSINS88yRpcxWZtqvRtjZvdyUJ8vnIZNxSMuyzcUMlgHQ3Jitacs_JkDddqBC-VvKfKvthVZOscVC_LXA7odc0K_M/s1600/11539035_534572926697844_125109536097689118_o.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="480" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnR0HIVTacKgxwqcHgiv7Fjro62EnVRKyg-Grc62YxqYwstsSO9uQSINS88yRpcxWZtqvRtjZvdyUJ8vnIZNxSMuyzcUMlgHQ3Jitacs_JkDddqBC-VvKfKvthVZOscVC_LXA7odc0K_M/s640/11539035_534572926697844_125109536097689118_o.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Members Rich and Connor demonstrating more dynamic combat approaches inferred from depictions in later artwork (65 and 75cm shields shown)</td></tr>
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The most reasonable explanation for some of the grave shields' small size seems to be related to convenience during the burial rite, rather than utility in battle. All too often we assume that items deposited into graves are fully representative of the items that the deceased used in life, but this need not necessarily be the case (<a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/grave-problems.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">for more on these issues, see “<b>Grave Problems</b>”</span></a>). As we have already seen, it would seem that the Anglo-Saxons were perfectly comfortable with making gestures towards depicting items of war-gear in their art without necessarily devoting the space to do so accurately, and, although we know little about their burial practices or the rationale behind them, it is not unreasonable to consider that they might have done the same when making lavish displays of burial goods during the funeral rite.<br />
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The ideal diameter for a shield is at least equal to the width of a body, but arguably would be wider; this provides that more of the body can be protected while static, and allows for room for the edges of boards to be interlocked in a shield-wall (if this practice was indeed as dominant in the early period as is often assumed). Yet precisely the opposite is desirable where a shield is being buried in a grave. Here, a shield would ideally be no wider than the body, so that a grave-cut need not be enlarged to accommodate it. Inclusion of a 90cm shield would increase the effort needed to dig a typical grave-cut by at least a third, and it may be no coincidence that the median shield diameter in the Dickinson and Härke sample – around 60cm, is very close to the minimum width of a grave-cut necessary to accommodate an average male. Smaller-than-average shields are also, overwhelmingly, of earlier date. More easily included in the burial rite, a smaller, more symbolic shield, perhaps re-boarded in preparation for the grave, would have saved valuable resources – seasoned and carved timber and valuable leather, and allowed a more valuable combat shield to be passed down.<br />
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Perhaps, then, burial with large and sturdy combat shields was a rite usually reserved for the most wealthy elites, who's relatives, companions and subjects could afford such lavish and wasteful conspicuous consumption, exemplified by cases such as Sutton-Hoo mound-1, Taplow and Ford.<br />
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While the debate regarding the intended purpose and utility of these small-to-medium sized shields will no doubt continue to rage, the notion that the majority of early Anglo-Saxon shields were tiny can be comprehensively dismissed.<br />
To reiterate, it would seem that the vast majority of early Anglo-Saxon shields were between 49 and 73cm diameter, with some rare cases confirmed to be smaller, and quite many substantially larger. <br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgQ-LdiL2kL7EqUzmhrMfaIWnWcYF8vlXhos6vkm1Gqxvv-tnlUKXaZC1sUULFdRL2reIkM1PppVTLXAecfALEeP4Qm3n4mT0O_tpQY-h9ViQaIiKurQpCOnV4Mky3FkpRuss10wj_dapU/s1600/IMG_8081.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgQ-LdiL2kL7EqUzmhrMfaIWnWcYF8vlXhos6vkm1Gqxvv-tnlUKXaZC1sUULFdRL2reIkM1PppVTLXAecfALEeP4Qm3n4mT0O_tpQY-h9ViQaIiKurQpCOnV4Mky3FkpRuss10wj_dapU/s640/IMG_8081.JPG" width="520" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Dr Andrew Thompson with our 6th century 'small shield' reconstruction; 41cm diameter. </td></tr>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
( The shield reconstruction pictured, built by members Æd and Andrew Thompson for the purposes of this article, has a diameter of 41cm, and features a replica of a fairly typical group 3 boss (<a href="http://www.wielandforge.co.uk/">Jason Green / Wieland Forge</a>) and Ia(i) grip, with a board of 6mm thinned to 4mm at the edge, with 2mm thick leather on the front, and 1mm thick leather on the back.</blockquote>
<blockquote>
Although when held as if ready for battle, this shield looks quite absurd, it by no means represents the smallest of its kind; a number of finds have been confirmed to have been far smaller – examples such as Stretton-on-Fosse II g96, Westgarth Gardens g50 and g60 had diameters of 38cm, 34cm and 36cm respectively. This reconstruction's diameter sits in the middle of the “small shield” class defined by Dickinson and Harke (1992) and, were it not for more reliable 'maximum' diameter data, would sit close to the average board size for their sample of early Anglo-Saxon shields.)</blockquote>
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(Footnote: <b>Viking Shields</b> – Information on 'Viking-Age' shields is relatively scarce. Unconstrained contemporary depictions of shields from the 9th century onwards tend to show shields being quite large. The early 10th century shields from the Gokstad ship (Norway) have been estimated at 94cm, although it is not clear if they were intended for land battle. The relatively well preserved combat shield from Trelleborg, Denmark, is 85cm across, while estimates for diameter of shields from 10th century Birka, Sweden range from 70 to 95cm. Other finds from Scandinavia and the Baltic states have had estimated diameters ranging from at least 63cm to around 95cm (<a href="http://members.ozemail.com.au/~chrisandpeter/shield/shield.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">for more information, click here</span></a>). The range of sizes represented in this admittedly small sample is consistent with the sizes represented in contemporaneous art, and poetry. It would seem, therefore, that round shields from the Viking Age were really quite large. )<br />
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<h3>
References</h3>
<div>
Dickinson, T.M., Harke, H., 1992. <em>Early Anglo-Saxon Shields (Archaeologia)</em>. First Edition Edition. Society of Antiquaries.</div>
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<div class="gs_citr" id="gs_cit3" tabindex="0">
Dickinson, T.M., 2005. Symbols of protection: The significance of animal-ornamented shields in early Anglo-Saxon England. <i>Medieval Archaeology</i>, <i>49</i>(1), pp.109-163.</div>
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<div>
Stephenson, I.P., 2004. <em>The Anglo-Saxon Shield</em>. illustrated edition Edition. Tempus Pub Ltd.</div>
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<div>
Neilsen, K.H,. 2010 <em>Style II and all that: the potential of the hoard for statistical study of chronology and geographical distributions</em>. [ONLINE] Available at: <u><a href="https://finds.org.uk/staffshoardsymposium/papers/karenhoilundnielsen">https://finds.org.uk/staffshoardsymposium/papers/karenhoilundnielsen</a></u>. [Accessed 25 March 2016].</div>
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<br /></div>
<div>
Beatson, P. 2016. Viking Shields. [ONLINE] Available at: <a href="http://members.ozemail.com.au/~chrisandpeter/shield/shield.html">http://members.ozemail.com.au/~chrisandpeter/shield/shield.html</a>. [Accessed 25 March 2016].</div>
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<br /></div>
<div>
Thompson, A.,: Size Matters. 2013. <em>Thegns of Mercia: Size Matters</em>. [ONLINE] Available at: <u><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2013/04/size-matters.html">http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2013/04/size-matters.html</a></u>. [Accessed 25 March 2016].</div>
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<div>
Thompson, A.,: Grave Problems. 2013. <em>Thegns of Mercia: Grave Problems</em>. [ONLINE] Available at: <u><a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/grave-problems.html">http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/grave-problems.html</a></u>. [Accessed 25 March 2016].</div>
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Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-38171574047933041292015-09-02T18:39:00.001+01:002015-09-02T18:39:06.917+01:00Fire (2/2) <b><span style="font-size: large;">Fire (2/2)</span></b> - The Experiments<br />
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While the archaeology provides evidence for the use of firesteels, and there is linguistic evidence for the continued use of friction-fire in the Migration Period and Viking Age, there is little archaeological information to aid reconstruction of the full fire-lighting process which likely required a range of specially prepared materials, allowing cool sparks to be nursed to roaring flames.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEieGTxNB7YEac54zKOvFlgY1rjUD6mNitMuHL-CJZnFMyAvWimDxqfhgpM6RwrIMJXlCwEZwUlM0dfwpblk3U3unhtO1OnJflj5gYajFtSmIDY8QL6mH44MRqpnYIaqsIXSM_oK6wK7GX0/s1600/wIMG_4738.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEieGTxNB7YEac54zKOvFlgY1rjUD6mNitMuHL-CJZnFMyAvWimDxqfhgpM6RwrIMJXlCwEZwUlM0dfwpblk3U3unhtO1OnJflj5gYajFtSmIDY8QL6mH44MRqpnYIaqsIXSM_oK6wK7GX0/s1600/wIMG_4738.JPG" width="320" /></a>To fill these gaps in knowledge it is necessary to experiment with techniques and materials that would have been locally available at the time, taking inspiration from modern bushcraft techniques and, importantly, other cultures from similar ecoregions (with similar materials available) which have maintained traditional firelighting skills that may be similar to those used by our ancestors. <br />
<br />
Our investigation into the fire-making process is ongoing, and we do not claim to be experts with respect to such techniques. However, we have attempted a number of experiments with locally available materials, informed by available information on modern bushcraft fire-lighting, and the techniques employed by other traditional cultures. It is worthwhile discussing the feasibility of many of the materials traditionally used, in terms of their availability or value in a rural Migration-Age West- European context, and their effectiveness when prepared using the technology available at the time.<br />
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<a name='more'></a><br />
(The first chapter of this series, concerning cultural aspects relating to fire, and the archaeological, linguistic and cultural evidence for fire-lighting methods can be found<a href="http://www.thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2015/08/fire-1-2.html"> here</a>)<br />
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While essential for cooking and warmth, particularly in historical contexts like those that interest us, hearth-fire represents the culmination of an elaborate process necessary to overcome various challenges associated with the materials involved. Timber does not, itself, readily burn. Instead, temperatures sufficiently high to allow pyrolysis and volatilization of the solid material are required - often in excess of 300 degrees Celsius. To reach this point using a cool spark from a fire-steel, or "two sticks" is a tall order. It is for this reason practitioners emphasize that those trying for the first time should not feel discouraged by failed attempts, nor should the achievement of a successful attempt be downplayed.<br />
<br />
<b><span style="font-size: large;">Technique</span></b><br />
As previously discussed, hearth-fires in the Migration and 'Viking' Ages were 'sparked' by use of flint and steel, or by friction methods. Ferrous strike-a-lights are not uncommon grave finds, occasionally symbolic but sometimes functional, providing good archaeological evidence for this part of the process, while evidence for the use of friction fire comes from a range of non-archaeological sources (<a href="http://www.thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2015/08/fire-1-2.html">see previous article</a>). However, these represent a relatively small part of the process necessary to create fire.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMtHWUbHM3yv2Cy_tXdTO2CA1TX4KOacghshFi4-D-E_n6mKR3l3takiJFV1tjKbo71gekby-NFDd_FprWgDGKPYNppmVDnsve_Vuy1Kj4l_CiCMMuwgAxlJ845GAz4FhG-prJdbA3gmE/s1600/wmIMG_4146b.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMtHWUbHM3yv2Cy_tXdTO2CA1TX4KOacghshFi4-D-E_n6mKR3l3takiJFV1tjKbo71gekby-NFDd_FprWgDGKPYNppmVDnsve_Vuy1Kj4l_CiCMMuwgAxlJ845GAz4FhG-prJdbA3gmE/s1600/wmIMG_4146b.JPG" width="350" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Flint and steel, with two tinders (charcloth, left, and prepared <i>F. fomentarius </i>block right)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Historic fire-making before the age of matches, lighters and accelerants was necessarily a multi-stage process, whereby a series of fuels were used, beginning with highly flammable fuels able to ignite with little activation energy, burn fast and hot, and graduating progressively onto denser, slower-burning fuels only combusting at high temperatures. While in the Migration Age and earlier peoples would have had little knowledge of the chemistry behind this process they certainly would have had an intimate knowledge of the practical process, passing down the technique from generation to generation, experimenting with variations, and refining it.<br />
With both steel-fire and friction-fire a number of materials are required; primary tinder, secondary tinder, kindling and fuel. Tinder is normally understood as any material with a large surface area which will burn fast and hot enough to allow wood kindling to catch, and most often, with modern 'bushcraft' fire-lighting techniques, dry moss, grass or straw are sufficient. Here, we refer to these as "secondary tinders", as historic techniques require additional tinder defined by a different criterion; a low enough activation energy threshold for ignition to occur when in contact with a relatively cool spark or speck of fire-drill dust.<br />
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">Secondary Tinder</span></b><br />
Paradoxically, secondary tinders are worth considering first, being as they are by definition consumed quickly, and a good handful is necessary for each fire-lighting. Although suitable secondary tinders can be found just about anywhere, they must be bone-dry. This is easily achieved with good shelter and the warmth of a fire, so its worth giving thought to your tinder supply for the next night, before you let any fire die !<br />
One favorite is <b>moss</b>. Although invariably sodden, moss dries fast and burns hot and quickly - perhaps too quickly, making it a good secondary tinder, though with the tendency to sometimes burn itself out, or fragment and blow away after insertion into a wood stack. The key with moss, it seems, is to ensure the 'nest' being used to nurse the burn is well compacted; this will slow things down a little and hopefully allow enough time for heat to build, and flames to appear. <br />
Alternatively, dry <b>long grass</b> and <b>straw </b>both make for excellent secondary tinders. As with moss, a dense 'nest' around the primary tinder should be made, such that, once flames have been produced, the nest can be inserted into the timber stack and hopefully raise temperatures high enough that the kindling will burn, eventually spreading onto logs. These materials seem to burn a little slower than moss, which could be an advantage, but also, we think, burn a little less hot. However, a considerable advantage of straw is its tendency not to fragment and blow out of the stack quite as readily as moss, allowing more time to encourage the flames to catch onto kindling.<br />
With each of these tinders a well compacted fist-sized 'nest' is desirable, but if a fire need be lit quickly using only the contents of a compact portable kit, dry birch-bark is a reliable, very flammable alternative which can be used, even in relatively small amounts, to nurture a piece of smoldering tinder into a flame.<br />
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">Primary Tinder</span></b><br />
For reasons of clarity we refer here to materials intended to ignite on contact with a spark (or friction-dust) as 'primary tinder'. Primary tinder should have low enough activation energy threshold to ignite when hit by a cool spark, and burn fast and hot enough to raise the temperature high enough for secondary tinder to ignite. While it is in theory possible to light foraged materials with sparks (especially with modern "Scandinavian" firesteels), in practice, reliable fire-lighting requires pyrolysed material; either specially prepared tinder, or using the naturally generated charcoals from a previous fire.<br />
Pyrolysis is simply the thermal cracking of organic molecules, in low oxygen conditions, to produce more reactive "char" materials. In theory such materials require lower activation energy (heat) to trigger ignition, therefore being ideal primary tinders for catching and growing sparks.<br />
With charcoal crucial to metallurgy and smithcraft during this period it is impossible to argue that the Anglo-Saxons and associated cultures were not regularly producing and making use of pyrolysed materials, and, though charcoal does not make a particularly good primary tinder, it is conceivable that the Anglo-Saxons may have harnessed the process to make specially prepared primary tinder for reliable fire-lighting. This process could have been conducted concurrently with charcoal making in clamps, or in a domestic setting within a lidded pottery or stone vessel beside the fire.<br />
Though a char can be made from any organic material, not all such chars make decent tinders. It is further important to consider the availability of materials in the context concerned.<br />
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<br />
<ul>
<li><b>Wood Charcoal</b></li>
</ul>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
It is not particularly easy to get charcoal to ignite using only flint and steel. However, charcoal generated in-situ and left among the ashes of a previous fire can be re-ignited by casting sparks on them. This approach takes a few tries but is effective, and may have been an approach routinely used, at home, by our resourceful ancestors. Partially charred coals generated in-situ from a previous night's fire in a house or hall may often have still been warm, and would certainly be reliably dry, making this 'free' tinder arguably the first resort in domestic contexts. Wood shavings, specially pyrolysed, do accept sparks more easily than lumpwood charcoal, though not readily, subsequently burning quite fast and not especially hot. This demonstrates that, with primary tinders, it is not simply a case of pyrolyzing any dry plant material.</blockquote>
<br />
<br />
<ul>
<li><b>Charcloth</b></li>
</ul>
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
The go-to tinder among enthusiasts of the flint-and-steel method is "char-cloth". This black and brittle material is easily made by heating small pieces of cotton cloth, in anaerobic conditions, to high temperatures until flammable gasses stop being emitted. Given charcoal was a crucial part of the ironworking process in the Migration-Age and earlier times it is impossible to argue that such 'prepared pyrolysis products' were not available, and they are almost essential for success with the flint and steel method. However, there is no evidence to suggest cotton was available in Britain during the Migration-Age, and if it had been, it must surely have been a prized luxury commodity.<br />
Though all guides I have seen on modern bushcraft advocate 100% cotton for char-cloth making, it seems entirely equal results can be achieved with linen - a cloth locally available in Migration-Age western Europe, though still thought to have been something of a luxury. We have found no difference between cotton and linen -based char-cloth, in terms of ease of use. It could therefore be argued that charred linen cloth could have been used as primary tinder in the Migration-Age, itself made from small scraps of linen cloth - byproducts of the making of garments. The problem with this idea is that rare, extant examples of clothing from around the time of the Migration-Age in western Europe show an extreme conservatism with respect to fabric, with clothing patterns carefully designed to minimize waste of valuable (and laboriously produced) cloth. Further, with linen being a luxury material, and with most clothing fashioned from wool, the idea that most communities would have routinely had access to an abundance of linen scraps is problematic.<br />
In terms of utility, char-cloth is an adequate tinder but not the best. Sparks do take, often after a few tries, but the glowing cloth then burns up very quickly; time is therefore of the essence for getting the embryonic fire to catch onto secondary tinder. Sparks tend to "take" best when they hit exposed frayed edges, as fibres locked into a tightly spun and woven structure tend to less readily combust. "Roughing" the brittle charcloth by rubbing it can negate this to some extent and allow sparks to catch more readily.<br />
With a more open structure with greater surface area for contact with oxygen, nests of pyrolysed linen thread catch sparks readily, otherwise having similar properties to linen charcloth. Such tinder could be produced from scrap threads from weaving, but again, the availability of such tinder would depend on access to a linen industry. Where possible, it is likely scrap threads would have typically been recycled rather than consigned to burning. </blockquote>
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<br />
<ul>
<li><b>Charred Flax Fibre</b></li>
</ul>
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
While scraps of woven linen cloth could have been pyrolysed to produce a reliable primary tinder, there is no reason to suppose that the same plant fibres, not yet spun and woven, would not have made at least as good a tinder when pyrolysed. Here, we are indebted to the leaders of Worcestershire Young Archaeologists, who had grown flax in their allotment and, at a 2014 joint event at Bishops Wood Centre were busily processing the flax (now retted) into fibres for spinning - breaking up and separating out the straw from the fibers, and rejecting any fibers found to be too weak or short. The Young Archaeologists team were kind enough to supply us with a quantity of rejected flax fibre.</blockquote>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFaKwbO54neVvbhT9q-BfvZuNA91SBfYLvq8bGlreCka9_wUbkdMZgT55OWcrcpJQe-_QrSdqGBPzGMi-7SskA6jCJjTGS4jUu1Ynw1U9UbX19wmWGHI6GLeQyJ3o5BwQTZhbOZvQ1Nxw/s1600/wmIMG_4712.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFaKwbO54neVvbhT9q-BfvZuNA91SBfYLvq8bGlreCka9_wUbkdMZgT55OWcrcpJQe-_QrSdqGBPzGMi-7SskA6jCJjTGS4jUu1Ynw1U9UbX19wmWGHI6GLeQyJ3o5BwQTZhbOZvQ1Nxw/s1600/wmIMG_4712.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Retted flax fibres (centre) amongst other flax byproducts (f;lax straw etc)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
Once pyrolysed, small 'nests' of fibres were found to work brilliantly as primary tinder, catching sparks more readily than char-cloth, and burning hotter, igniting secondary tinder much more readily. The material, if anything, could be described as "too effective", with flames produced seconds after sparks had 'taken'. This otherwise fairly worthless byproduct of linen production would have been available in abundance anywhere where flax was grown and processed, and its conversion to tinder seems more feasible in a Migration-Age context than scraps of hard-won linen cloth. The processing of nettle-fibres in this period for use in clothing, too, would likely have yielded byproducts suitable for tinder-making; something which may be worth further research</blockquote>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbTqA6XD-byDZhlUQlt7faHQNjhrHv0OCJDgEx1GBra9fJdOxrdrk70o4vE3KJ5MPFnDLflBTxkIYefq4E4vm16i_6scMhl3VZV81NFRHM8kyix17C7Py3S9KnG7o-Up3e_F9Es5rcYuQ/s1600/wmIMG_4735.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="307" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbTqA6XD-byDZhlUQlt7faHQNjhrHv0OCJDgEx1GBra9fJdOxrdrk70o4vE3KJ5MPFnDLflBTxkIYefq4E4vm16i_6scMhl3VZV81NFRHM8kyix17C7Py3S9KnG7o-Up3e_F9Es5rcYuQ/s1600/wmIMG_4735.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Charred flax fibres ignited using a spark from flint and steel</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<br />
<ul>
<li><b><i>Fomes fomentarius </i></b>-<b> "Tinder-", "False Tinder-" or "Horse Hoof Fungus"</b></li>
</ul>
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Fomes fomentarius </i>(FF) is a rot fungus commonly found on Beech and Birch trees in temperate regions. A perennial fungus, <i>Fomes fomentarius</i> grows sizable, hard-shelled polyporous fruiting bodies (brackets) containing rich brown flesh suitable for various uses, most notably tinder. This fungus would likely have been available in abundance in temperate decidious woodlands of much of Migration-Age Europe, and likely well known. Today this fungus is recognized by survivalists as perhaps the best tinder material available in our ecoregion, though notably inferior to the so-called "True Tinder Fungus" <i>Inonotus obliquus </i>found in Boreal regions. FF<i> </i>fruiting bodies (along with flint and iron-pyrite) comprised part of the fire-starting kit found with the early Bronze-Age ice-mummy "Ötzi", discovered in the Austrian Alps in 1992, suggesting the use of this fungus as tinder was known to ancient Europeans. It is not inconceivable that this knowledge persisted into the Iron-Age and Migration Era.</blockquote>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjqpAGGFMtwVD4n-5CpfZwT-FsXY15RexJYYaWyLxM9fxsEo9Dk3dTMv7TqRW0Ajr2B4VoaO3qQsVPmVe4YuCiXPijWgv8ENIxuu9iRMFNlwJXiVZ2KQliUCwmyshMbtwxoX6yZPSPX_IY/s1600/IMG_4424.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjqpAGGFMtwVD4n-5CpfZwT-FsXY15RexJYYaWyLxM9fxsEo9Dk3dTMv7TqRW0Ajr2B4VoaO3qQsVPmVe4YuCiXPijWgv8ENIxuu9iRMFNlwJXiVZ2KQliUCwmyshMbtwxoX6yZPSPX_IY/s640/IMG_4424.JPG" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>Fomes fomentarius</i> fruiting bodies in situ</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLYHWzTeWx9NHfelMPBIqsi6a_9raruT5BoIyt2LTFb8xlSVMsHGsdzNWOvuO_2rUSlcQD7Bp-rOf8hvbUjLLq5aZ_0-GujvXNGwyY4WqrpVTPqpc1syvhnhOFlULyBu5DxDeHKU94AWo/s1600/IMG_4399.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLYHWzTeWx9NHfelMPBIqsi6a_9raruT5BoIyt2LTFb8xlSVMsHGsdzNWOvuO_2rUSlcQD7Bp-rOf8hvbUjLLq5aZ_0-GujvXNGwyY4WqrpVTPqpc1syvhnhOFlULyBu5DxDeHKU94AWo/s1600/IMG_4399.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">F. fomentarius under microscope. Porous surface, top, and below, transverse section showing tubes in porous layer, and soft suede-like tissue (yellow) beneath shell, ideal for making tinder. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
With respect to the UK, various modern bushcraft sources claim this fungus is not readily found outside of Scotland and perhaps the far north of England, and throughout most of England occurs only on Beech. Our numerous trips hunting for these valuable fruiting bodies have shown this not to be the case, with the fungus being, in our experience, relatively easy to track down in mature Birch woodlands at least as far south as the Midlands, normally co-occurring with the more abundant and often more obvious<i> Piptoporus betulinus </i>(Birch polypore or razorstrop, discussed later). Searching fallen trunks and boughs near trees featuring visible razorstrop fruiting bodies may therefore represent a good strategy for tracking down FF. The fruiting bodies of FF can be distinguished by their usually dull grey shell, incredible hardness, and a fragrance not dissimilar to apples.<br />
When pyrolysed, the flesh (and particularly the soft suede-like 'Amadou' layer directly beneath the shell) makes excellent primary tinder, catching sparks readily, becoming an incredibly hot and reliable smouldering coal. The intensity and duration of the heat emitted allows secondary tinder to be lit easily, with little need to rush the process (unlike with char-cloth). We have had little success igniting un-charred FF<i> </i>tissue. It is interesting to note that the more abundant Birch polypore, both charred and uncharred, does not accept sparks at all, highlighting the unique properties of FF.</blockquote>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0Piap-JyngGLzFtn2ZQmVpT0AZ2951tn8dvYidvLv2VYNV7f6Ku5uLseOZcznIRTjr00EpVvbFmynkxuhurBtevhD0tZBUhOmae1YV6BX6JwMT_j5uA50owIu_Di2SN_J6fZKQMPysXw/s1600/wmIMG_4730.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="323" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0Piap-JyngGLzFtn2ZQmVpT0AZ2951tn8dvYidvLv2VYNV7f6Ku5uLseOZcznIRTjr00EpVvbFmynkxuhurBtevhD0tZBUhOmae1YV6BX6JwMT_j5uA50owIu_Di2SN_J6fZKQMPysXw/s1600/wmIMG_4730.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Smouldering block of pyrolysed <i>Fomes fomentarius</i> (tinder fungus) lit a spark from flint and steel. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
A side note on Birch Polypore (not to be confused with FF);</blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Piptoporus betulinus</i> - Birch Bracket Fungus or "Birch Polypore"</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">A pathogenic infection on common Birch trees, and almost ubiquitous in mature temperate stands of silver birch, the large fruiting bodies of this fungus have long been known to have a wide range of useful properties, from blade-sharpening (hence it's nickname "Razorstrop fungus") to antiseptic and anti-inflamatory wound dressings, and are quite distinctive, reaching large size, with a pure white porous underside, and an overall heavy but slightly spongy texture.</span></blockquote>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_cGtvzy6_rbUtV4HKFkVDgx7XTp_0ErED5uyr8gRLI-QsrY8klUgJKBYy5xElgzhXgCmH3JykaHgb6X5MbtIZC9KiI4rmmZXKvTTm92JDEmx20pI8Ls-Scueqier52he4NAJYl635x98/s1600/IMG_4023.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_cGtvzy6_rbUtV4HKFkVDgx7XTp_0ErED5uyr8gRLI-QsrY8klUgJKBYy5xElgzhXgCmH3JykaHgb6X5MbtIZC9KiI4rmmZXKvTTm92JDEmx20pI8Ls-Scueqier52he4NAJYl635x98/s1600/IMG_4023.JPG" width="400" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Piptoporous betulinus fruiting bodies in situ.</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiIPzgsMR-NzWwp_d_3ubKhF1SZYoulawTnz7ua1am7A2N6kkrZjRjK_2gowq_m19bi1WJP_bINJtAhliFlIi0pcC5Ki2KXmmkk2hBmeb23fldnkyaZ0mSgLvPXP379IA3oDkZ18gEeFWU/s1600/IMG_4401.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiIPzgsMR-NzWwp_d_3ubKhF1SZYoulawTnz7ua1am7A2N6kkrZjRjK_2gowq_m19bi1WJP_bINJtAhliFlIi0pcC5Ki2KXmmkk2hBmeb23fldnkyaZ0mSgLvPXP379IA3oDkZ18gEeFWU/s1600/IMG_4401.JPG" width="400" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Piptoporus betulinus under microscope, showing porous underside (below) and cross-section (above) with porous layer and rubbery tissue (top). </span></blockquote>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">As far as fire-lighting goes, this fungus makes a poor tinder in comparison to it's distant cousin <i>Fomes fomentarius</i> (tinder fungus, or horse-hoof fungus) but is easier to find. The underside of the fruiting body is composed of a spongy and moist porous surface adapted to facilitate sporulation, while the upper half (cap tissue) of the fruiting body is composed of a dense, tough rubbery material which is flexible when moist and papery when dry. While the porous tissue has a musty "mushroomy" smell, the rubbery tissue when dried and separated from the porous surface has a mild, honey-like aroma.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Birch polypore is notable in that the non-porous rubbery tissue burns well but incredibly slowly, maintaining a cool smoulder without a flame, which gradually spreads through the material. As a result, a full fruiting body lit at the stalk can remain lit for many hours, with the outside remaining relatively cool to the touch. When doing this, the gradual burn is further supported by the porous layer, with each pore rationing the supply of oxygen to the interior. These fruiting bodies can therefore be used to safely carry 'flame' on long journeys, ready to light a fire the next time camp is made without the need to resort again to flint and tinder, or friction-fire. It has even been suggested, by some survivalists, that these fruiting bodies when lit can be used as rudimentary 'hot-water bottles'.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Our experiments have shown that a roughly one-inch square strip of the rubbery tissue (approx 3mm thick), when dried, takes 30-50 minutes to burn, maintaining an extremely stable and cool 'smoulder' sufficient to light fires from. This represents an extremely safe way to transport flame, especially when compared to alternatives such as a lit splint.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Birch polypore would have been available in abundance during Anglo-Saxon times, particularly in areas historically dominated by a forest-heathland mosaic. We have clear evidence of it being used by European Bronze-Age man (having been found in the posession of 'Ötzi the Iceman', either for medicinal or fire-lighting purposes) and it is conceivable that this fungus would have continued to be valued through and beyond the Iron-Age. The fruiting bodies are distinctive, easy to collect, and often reach enormous size (with large ones capable of yielding over 100 splints as described above).</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Our attempts to use processed birch polypore cap-tissue as a primary tinder have not been successful. Though readily lit from a flame, the material does not readily accept a firesteel spark and allow it to propagate.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;">We have had some success lighting partially burned birch polypore strips, which seems to take a spark better than either the unburned dried tissue, or fully pyrolysed / charred tissue. This indicates charred polypore may be a reasonable primary tinder, although not an ideal one. The principle value of this fungus, as far as fire-making is concerned, seems to be in its ability to carry and maintain a flame that has already been made. </span></blockquote>
</div>
<div>
<br />
<ul>
<li><b><i>Daldinia concentrica</i> - "Alfred Cake Fungus"</b></li>
</ul>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
A rotting fungus found on ash (<i>Fraxinus spp</i>.) <i>Daldinia concentrica </i>(DC) is relatively easy to find in locations where its host is prevalent (usually locations with relatively basic soils). The black ball-like fruiting body of this fungus (reminiscent of a particularly badly burned cake) contains concentrically arranged layered tissues which, when dried, can reportedly catch sparks from flint and steel, and can be used as primary tinder.<br />
Our experiments with Alfred Cake have been more limited, as it is rare in our 'neck of the woods'. So far we have had no luck lighting chunks of dried DC flesh with flint and steel, although this fungus works very well pyrolysed, roughly equivalent to FF. </blockquote>
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The importance of fire in historic times, and the availability of reliable methods to make it cannot be overstated. With respect to the Migration and 'Viking' ages archaeology cannot provide all the answers with respect to the fire-making process. However, reliable tinders could be produced using methods known to have been used in the period, using materials readily available either in a domestic, agricultural or 'village' context, or else outside settlements, particularly in wooded environments. Whether any of these approaches were used may never be clear. If these various tinders were used in our historic period of interest it is likely that the tinder of choice would probably be determined by convenience as much, if not more than efficacy. In a domestic context, straw and the charred remains of previous fires would probably be used most often, while, on journeys through 'wilder' territory foraged materials may have been favored. <br />
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Fire-lighting with historic methods is certainly very rewarding; it certainly feels like a fire thus made burns brighter and warmer for all the effort lavished on making it!<br />
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</div>
Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-84920974447687854152015-08-28T16:04:00.001+01:002015-09-05T14:02:17.783+01:00Fire (1 /2)<b><span style="font-size: large;">Fire (1/2)</span></b><br />
<b><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></b>
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihIzlGKEtsikj0uVq5rtl7mC-V1Cy5USbuEURxzjIjUpaJFYW7nvNsfe4q9xDN8hzZzVG2RxwTqBtTSlUFoFgMt5KdcAKxM202tyqd1MuQKn9yzw7-12qpru3MNCTxKyXjXZb9n_bQsRQ/s1600/104_3090b.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="239" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihIzlGKEtsikj0uVq5rtl7mC-V1Cy5USbuEURxzjIjUpaJFYW7nvNsfe4q9xDN8hzZzVG2RxwTqBtTSlUFoFgMt5KdcAKxM202tyqd1MuQKn9yzw7-12qpru3MNCTxKyXjXZb9n_bQsRQ/s1600/104_3090b.JPG" width="320" /></a>Fire has played a hugely important role in the lives of human beings since prehistory. Though the importance of fires for providing essential warmth, and facilitating cooking is both obvious and difficult to overstate, the almost ubiquitous social practice of gathering around a fire was likely crucial to the forming of social bonds within early communities. As anyone who has wild-camped, or spent a dark night in a reconstructed hall will tell you, the dancing flames of a hearth fire often have the miraculous effect of banishing discomfort, creating wellbeing, and bringing people together. <br />
Yet fire can also turn against us; burn, kill, or swallow homes and settlements whole. Fire is an essential yet treacherous friend, and, for this reason, our relationship with fire has always been a complicated one.<br />
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Given the importance of fires for life, and community, and taking into account its treacherous nature, the study of historic cultures' relationships with fire is particularly fascinating. How did our ancestors view fire? How did they make it? And to what extent did they understand the mechanisms which underpin this essential tool?<br />
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In this series we examine the techniques likely used by the Anglo-Saxons and "Vikings" to make fire and the evidence for them, and discuss snippets of mythology pertaining to fire which give us glimpses of these cultures' understanding. We, further, present some findings from our own experiments with historic fire-making using widely available, forage-able materials.<br />
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Though today, to create fire, we might reach for a match or lighter, making fire in ancient times was a complex business, often requiring much hard work, or specially prepared materials. Whilst members of pre-scientific communities would have had little understanding of the chemistry of fire, a practical "feel" for the process would have developed over time and been passed on between generations. <br />
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In the Anglo-Saxon and 'Viking period' of the Early Middle-Ages, the flint and steel method predominated but other even more ancient methods of fire production seem to have remained in use, too. It is instructive to examine both ‘fire-striking’, where sparks are created by striking a piece of flint or quartzite against a piece of carbon-steel or iron pyrites and ‘friction-fire’, where a piece of wood is rubbed or turned rapidly against another, so that the resulting heat of friction creates ignition in the black wood-dust produced. Both methods require the use of a series of tinder materials to bridge the gap between sparks or hot dust, and roaring flame. <br />
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<h3>
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjyAfdmUhrjDhBtjiXEwI_0DxbtFeaCSqa4uz8Qpp6VGsHDwiNiOZJweD7_U_M0CrpegQzRhAbU6YuvdaxnOMdZiT8a3J2uXt6978sMWOLOmv5lTMn2193B-VE_Onlb3ukcU4O1qQi58Aw/s1600/IMG_4546.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjyAfdmUhrjDhBtjiXEwI_0DxbtFeaCSqa4uz8Qpp6VGsHDwiNiOZJweD7_U_M0CrpegQzRhAbU6YuvdaxnOMdZiT8a3J2uXt6978sMWOLOmv5lTMn2193B-VE_Onlb3ukcU4O1qQi58Aw/s1600/IMG_4546.JPG" width="320" /></a>
Friction Fire</h3>
Friction fire is kindled by drilling a hardwood stick into a piece of softer wood. A notch is cut into the hole that rapidly forms, to collect the hot dust. At its most basic, the stick is then rotated rapidly back and forth between the hands. As the temperature of the resulting black wood-dust reaches 800°C, it ignites and becomes a burning ember which can then be transferred onto the tinder.<br />
This process is rendered easier by use of a fire-drill of which there are two types : bow-drill and pump-drill. The former utilises a miniature bow, the string of which is wound once around the spindle of the drill. The bow is then moved back and forth thus rotating the drill very rapidly. The spindle is held stabilised by holding the bearing block in the left hand, while bowing with the right, while the base-plate is held down by the left foot.<br />
The pump-drill comprises the drill-shaft, a cross-beam with a central hole (through which the shaft revolves), a heavy disc - which acts as a fly-wheel and a length of cord. The circular weight is attached near the bottom of the spindle and the cross-beam fitted above it. The string is run through a hole at the top of the spindle-shaft, then fixed to small holes on each side of the cross-beam, so that the cross beam hangs just above the weight. The shaft is then turned to wind the string around the length of the spindle causing the cross-beam to rise until the strings become taut. The tip of the spindle is then placed into a grooved hole in the base-board - as with the bow-drill and the cross-beam pressed downwards. This causes the drill to rotate rapidly. Once the bottom is reached, the weight is relieved and the drill rebounds, so that the cord re-winds and the process is repeated, yo-yo fashion. It must be said that the tool takes some practice to master but once this is done it is most efficient.<br />
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The archaeological evidence for the use of friction-fire lighting is very sparse, as the equipment is made from materials such as wood and fibre which tend not to persist in the ground. There is, however, considerable literary and linguistic evidence. The Norse folk had words both for the fire-drill and its use. Old Icelandic records the word<b><i><span style="color: #3d85c6;"> bragð-alr</span></i></b> - ‘twirling awl’ and <b><i><span style="color: #3d85c6;">bragðals-eldr</span></i></b> - meaning the fire produced using the <i><b><span style="color: #3d85c6;">bragðalr</span></b></i>. The term <b><i><span style="color: #3d85c6;">bragð</span></i></b> means to move or stir briskly. No equivalent words in Old English are recorded but might be reconstructed as <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>*bregd-æl </b></i></span>and<b><i><span style="color: #38761d;"> *bregdæles ál</span></i></b>.<br />
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It might seem peculiar that this laborious method of fire-making survived into the Viking-Age when superior 'striking' methods had been widespread for many hundreds of years. Certainly, 'friction fire' is a useful survival technique that can be employed if one finds oneself in the wilderness with no flint or steel, but this does not seem sufficient to justify the continued importance of friction-fire. Rather than out of necessity, friction-fire may have survived for cultural reasons.<br />
'Need-fire' (German;<span style="color: #444444;"><b> <i>not-feuer</i></b></span>., from Old High German <i><span style="color: #666666;"><b>nodfyr</b></span></i>) is the name given in North-European folklore to friction-fire generated for religious / magical reasons. According to Sir James Frazer in his seminal work ‘The Golden Bough’, the Need-Fire was kindled in time of crisis by peasant-folk, particularly when cattle and sheep were afflicted by disease. Two bonfires would be lit from the need-fire and the animals driven between them. Normal fires had to have been put out for the magic to work. It was believed that the friction-fire was in some (pagan) sense ‘holy’ and sanctifying. Frazer believed these rites and beliefs to be very ancient, dating back to at least the Bronze Age. Such practices only died out in Europe in the last century.<br />
It is interesting to note that in more distant Indo-European cultures the notion of friction-fire as "holy" is conserved. In one such case; ancient Hindu practice dictates that the kindling of sacrificial fire should be by means of two sticks - the two parts of the fire-drill. Hence the fire-god Agni, the brother of Indra (and son of Dyaus Piter and Prthvi) is said to have two mothers. The process is likened, in Hindu thought, to the act of procreation. The resultant holy fire is termed 'Arani'.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiR06ncfyRqImqtWTjtid_AdqRJq5q0xOf_JLjbgc69f8Npcur8RgRToRSZjwXhH6qyi5FzwPx7qe4jBeAevRlOARBxrPYhyphenhyphenlzms-rQcE_mlACDU0CNV5haB4WwTAm43b3UP9WLBg_BHh0/s1600/nyd+rune.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiR06ncfyRqImqtWTjtid_AdqRJq5q0xOf_JLjbgc69f8Npcur8RgRToRSZjwXhH6qyi5FzwPx7qe4jBeAevRlOARBxrPYhyphenhyphenlzms-rQcE_mlACDU0CNV5haB4WwTAm43b3UP9WLBg_BHh0/s1600/nyd+rune.jpg" width="112" /></a>In Northern Europe, the fire-drill method of fire production has been preserved in the Runes. The rune for the letter ‘n’, which is <i><b><span style="color: #666666;">*nauðiz</span></b></i> in Proto-Germanic, <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">nýd</span></i></b> in Old English and <span style="color: #3d85c6;"><b><i>nauð</i></b> </span>in Old Norse, clearly has the shape of the primitive fire-drill. The Rune poems are notoriously cryptic, but it is clear that what is the source of help, particularly for the man chilled by frost !<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(Old English Rune Poem)</span><br />
<b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">Nyd byþ nearu on breostan; weorþeþ hi þeah oft niþa bearnum</span></i></b><b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">to helpe and to hæle gehwæþre, gif hi his hlystaþ æror.</span></i></b> </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<b><i><span style="color: #38761d;"></span></i></b><i>Need is distress to the heart; yet it is often a source of help and healing to the children of men, to everyone who heeds it in good time.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">(Old Norwegian Rune Poem)</span><br />
<b><i><span style="color: #3d85c6;">Nauðr gerer næppa koste; nøktan kælr í froste.</span></i></b> </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Need gives scant choice; a naked man is chilled by the frost.</i></blockquote>
The Old English term <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">nýd-fýr</span></i></b> is generally taken to mean ‘need-fire’. This derives from the Old English word <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">nied</span></i></b> (Old West Saxon) and <b><i><span style="color: #bf9000;">néd </span></i></b>(Mercian), which means ‘necessity, compulsion, duty and distress’ and derives from the Proto-Germanic <b><i><span style="color: #666666;">nauþiz</span></i></b>. While this sounds reasonable, the etymology may well be more interesting, coming by way of the Old English <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">gnídan</span></i></b> - ‘to rub an object against another’. This is mentioned by Jacob Grimm, the famous German philologist and mythologist, in his Deutsche Mythologie, where he argues that the term <i><b><span style="color: #134f5c;">nôtfiur</span></b></i> derives from <b><i><span style="color: #134f5c;">hnotfiur</span></i></b>, from the root <b><i><span style="color: #134f5c;">hniudan</span></i></b> - ‘fire kindled by rubbing’. He goes on to note that in Sweden, the need-fire is called both<b><i><span style="color: #073763;"> vrid-eld</span></i></b> and<b><i><span style="color: #073763;"> gnideld</span></i></b>. The former derives from the verb<b><i><span style="color: #0b5394;"> vrida</span></i></b> - meaning twist (cognate with the Old English word <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">wriðan</span></i></b> and the Old Icelandic <span style="color: #3d85c6;"><b><i>ríða</i></b></span>). The latter comes by way of the verb<b><i><span style="color: #134f5c;"> gnida</span></i></b> - to rub (cognate with the Old English <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">gnídan</span></i></b> and the Old Icelandic <b><i><span style="color: #3d85c6;">gniða</span></i></b>). It thus seems fairly safe to conclude that the original form of ‘needfire’ in Old English was <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">*gnídfýr</span></i></b> or <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">*gnídál</span></i></b>. The original Old Norse form may well have been <i><b><span style="color: #0b5394;">gniðeldr</span></b></i>.</div>
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Grimm also described the need-fire as ‘<b><i>tüfel häla</i></b>’ - meaning ‘despoiling the devil of his strength’ and believed that this was an allusion to Loki, who regarded as the Germanic fire-god / demon.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkUVJh3fq_lvyyCgVLHpz4HWYw0eN1dwePYRNhl6lbcH2v1mCpv47YbcCLYSFOfWwyVifn_mYQ-9qG7HzL7atR2RN9GuFTs71bhV1IbMebMWeyCsq1IJ1gsEh7wvLHDuhYDGZ6SjnaM4k/s1600/Lokistone.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="521" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkUVJh3fq_lvyyCgVLHpz4HWYw0eN1dwePYRNhl6lbcH2v1mCpv47YbcCLYSFOfWwyVifn_mYQ-9qG7HzL7atR2RN9GuFTs71bhV1IbMebMWeyCsq1IJ1gsEh7wvLHDuhYDGZ6SjnaM4k/s1600/Lokistone.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Hearth/forge-stone from Snaptun, Denmark, (circa 1000 CE) depicting Loki, emphasizing his role as a deity of fire</td></tr>
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Perhaps the original Germanic fire-god of the Bronze Age was much more akin to the Hindu Agni than the horrifically distorted Norse demon Loki, and fire was seen as holy and purifying rather than demonic and destroying; an idea which has rather Christian overtones. If this belief in a holy god of purifying fire persisted into time of the Völkerwanderung and beyond it might explain the widespread cremation funeral rite and the persistence of needfire rituals across the breadth of Europe.</div>
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According to de Vries (in his Altgermanische Religiongeschichte 1976) the Catholic Church certainly tried to ban the Saxons from celebrating the needfire ritual. In 734 CE, a synod under Wynfrið of Wessex (later St. Boniface, the so-called Apostle to the Germans) included the needfire in their ‘Index of Superstitious and Heathenish Observations’, describing ‘<b><i><span style="color: #e69138;">fractum lignum</span></i></b>’ (rubbed fire) as “sacrilegious fire”. Not too surprisingly, the prohibition was almost universally ignored and, not long after, Wynfrið met a timely end at the hands of a group of outraged Frisian warriors.</div>
<div>
This Christian suspicion of friction-fire would seem to indicate that the practice of generating fire in this way survived as a pagan ritual into the early Middle-Ages, likely associated with the pagan cremation rite. The persistence of this method of fire-making (entirely obsolete since at-least the Iron-Age) may have provided a useful link to their cultural history and distant past, while, at funerals, the laborious task of creating transformative ancestral fire with this method may have represented an act of devotion to the deceased. Further, the association between friction-fire and paganism may explain why no Old-English term for the techniques or associated tools (equivalent to those found in Norse texts) have come down to us in the preserved (Christian-compiled) texts. </div>
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<h3>
Fire-Striking</h3>
Unlike with friction-fire, the tools for striking fire, commonly referred to as 'strike-a-light' sets are more durable and can be identified with some certainty from as far back as the Neolithic. Early sets include a flint dagger and a piece of iron pyrite. The flint was struck against the piece of iron-pyrite where the flint edge shaved off a particle of metal which is heated by the friction and burns to produce a spark. These fire lighter sets are found predominately in male graves, so lighting fires this way may have been seen as a male prerogative. With the end of the European Bronze Age (1st century BCE), the strike-a-light disappears from the archaeological record in the Germanic homelands but during the Roman Iron Age (1-400 CE) they begin to show up once more. In the Germanic Iron Age or Migration Period (400–800 CE) they appear often, in both male and female graves.</div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.illerup.dk/images/06b.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://www.illerup.dk/images/06b.jpg" height="348" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">'Scandinavian-type' fire-striker set from Illerup Adal (right) compared to a more typical Iron-Age flint & steel set</td></tr>
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The sets from the Roman Iron Age comprise a fire-steel and a lump of quartzite. These fire-steels were of two types; ‘conventional C-shaped or straight-edged carbon-steel ones and the so-called 'Scandinavian-type' fire-strikers, such as those from Illerup Ådal, which are comprised of a metal spike with a wooden handle. These have usually been found accompanied with stones showing characteristic wear from repeated use. </div>
<div>
Experiments have shown that this tool is effective but compared to the normal strike-a-lights, the process is much more difficult and not without risk of injury. With the flat striking-stone held cupped in the left palm, the striker is held in the right and the point of the steel pressed onto the stone. The stone is then struck rapidly with the steel and if all goes well and the striker does not slip and impale the hand, there should be a few sparks.<br />
Some doubt has been raised as to whether these tools were really fire-steels at all considering the clear superiority of the common all-metal fire-steel. However, there remain no other satisfying explanations for these items, or their ubiquity. </div>
<div>
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Over time the C-shaped steels evolved to have ends curved into a decorative spiral. This basic shape continued in use largely unchanged until the development of matches. A further type of fire-steel from the later Viking Age had an ornate copper-alloy handle often shaped like two opposed beast-heads with a long narrow steel plate attached at the bottom. They seem to have been used with a long narrow striking stone; the steel being slid across the stone to generate sparks.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6g12wiir3h9fmLXVbwmrl-XSJKeax1Vo1yIEHl4fuBlOK9TIxuQoGqv_BP04-wI3UbtB5Xe0h6TRuPHll5IdSssUnECbtw4v8sPC2Y5LPFknIMQuv1xtrfy-x6p0fe3txcs9JMuzYlvo/s1600/mucking99.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="330" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6g12wiir3h9fmLXVbwmrl-XSJKeax1Vo1yIEHl4fuBlOK9TIxuQoGqv_BP04-wI3UbtB5Xe0h6TRuPHll5IdSssUnECbtw4v8sPC2Y5LPFknIMQuv1xtrfy-x6p0fe3txcs9JMuzYlvo/s1600/mucking99.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">c6th Fire-steel from high-status female grave-99, Mucking Cemetary 1 (Copyright British Museum) </td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0ISQXPWfEui0IG5FtPkR8ibbCa1MQeNEiLAp3olRfPy2SOjr25LEUSQG5nvnriHEogHSQhcT6Nv49lheqP8PX06kdDlWRGAPUx8HvaihX2gt-NdZaHjQPzdCFZv2E8LDvKc3vdyS1Ffw/s1600/IMG_4573.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="206" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0ISQXPWfEui0IG5FtPkR8ibbCa1MQeNEiLAp3olRfPy2SOjr25LEUSQG5nvnriHEogHSQhcT6Nv49lheqP8PX06kdDlWRGAPUx8HvaihX2gt-NdZaHjQPzdCFZv2E8LDvKc3vdyS1Ffw/s1600/IMG_4573.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Reconstruction of above by Jason Green, <a href="http://www.wielandforge.co.uk/" target="_blank">Wieland Forge</a></td></tr>
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Early Anglo-Saxon strike-a-lights often took the form of an iron bar with upturned curled ends, occasionally with central buckles, presumably to attach to a waist belt. There is some evidence that these may have, occasionally, mounted purses with which tinder materials and flint would have been kept. However, it is interesting to note how rarely pieces of flint are found accompanying such steels, in graves, while tinder materials themselves, if part of the burial ritual at all, naturally do not survive for examination.<br />
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It is worth noting that specialist, prepared tinder materials are all but essential for generating fire using flint and steel, in the traditional method. It is interesting to explore what materials may have been used at the time; a topic to be discussed in the next article.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgz8SbttugGgEPgUJU3xKVPZj2P1iR49IPPdwjrzE-CGNOC5RePfdNEQFiZHpmbURzYSuIIYkeYXTt_cop-G0YbJ4Ym0xEZ_MPktVxrPxaBtV05TDanDzr6ww-eWEGgor8nbPGuJwzHYpY/s1600/IMG_4146b.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgz8SbttugGgEPgUJU3xKVPZj2P1iR49IPPdwjrzE-CGNOC5RePfdNEQFiZHpmbURzYSuIIYkeYXTt_cop-G0YbJ4Ym0xEZ_MPktVxrPxaBtV05TDanDzr6ww-eWEGgor8nbPGuJwzHYpY/s1600/IMG_4146b.JPG" width="350" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Flint, tinder and steel (latter by Jason Green, Wieland Forge)</td></tr>
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The modern equivalent of the medieval strike-a-light, the ‘firesteel’ is paradoxically not made of steel at all but is a modern synthetic - ferrocerium. It produces sparks of a much higher temperature than flint and steel (3,000 °C) which ignite almost any suitable kindling easily.<br />
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<b>The Treachery of Fire</b></h3>
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<i style="color: #38761d; font-weight: bold;">þæs ne wéndon aér witan Scyldinga·</i><br />
<i style="color: #38761d; font-weight: bold;">þæt hit á mid gemete manna aénig</i><br />
<i style="color: #38761d; font-weight: bold;">betlíc ond bánfág tóbrecan meahte,</i><br />
<i style="color: #38761d; font-weight: bold;">listum tólúcan nymþe líges fæþm</i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d; font-weight: bold;">swulge on swaþule.... </span> </i></blockquote>
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<i>It was not thought of by the wise-men of the Scyldings,<br />that any man by any means might manage to<br />that splendid antlered hall destroy,<br />cleverly cleave asunder. Not unless it was in fire's embrace<br />swallowed by flames.... </i><i> <b> </b></i><b>Beowulf (lines 778-782)</b></blockquote>
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In all likelihood our pagan ancestors would have considered the production of fire to be magical and a gift of the gods. First the Fire God had gifted them ‘need-fire’ and later the Thunder God had lent them his power to bring fire from flint and steel.</div>
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Smouldering remains of the first replica Anglo-Saxon hall at Bishops Wood Centre, Worcestershire, which burned down in 2008 after an ember from a cooking fire escaped the hearth.</blockquote>
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Nevertheless our ancestors were likely acutely aware of the destructive power of fire, as alluded to frequently in Beowulf. Archaeological evidence, and the occasional unfortunate incident with reconstructions have shown the timber-framed and often thatched buildings of the Migration and Viking Ages to be particularly prone to burning down, with potential loss of life, and unavoidable traumatic loss of wealth. In such dwellings fires can never be seen as trustworthy, and it is perhaps this which led the little-understood but likely part-benevolent Germanic fire-god to be seen in less than favorable terms, likely warping into the late Norse Loki when the deity's treacherous nature met with Christian notions of a fire-daemon.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Blackened remains of the original replica hall at Bishops Wood Centre left in situ following fire, with the replacement hall (completed in 2011) behind. </td></tr>
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Modern reconstructions of buildings from this age usually feature hearths in the form of boxes filled with nonflammable earth or sand, which serve to isolate small fires within from the timbers of the buildings. This is a reasonable stab at how "<b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">heorðas</span></i></b>" may have worked to protect buildings, but is only sufficient when fires are built conservatively. This may have come naturally to our ancestors, burning precious logs and bundles won from hard toil, yet we modern folk often display an alarming instinct to over-build; a tendency that would have seemed both wasteful and reckless to folk of the 5th-10th centuries.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Inside of the reconstructed hall at West Stow Anglo-Saxon village, showing central earth-filled hearth. A neighboring building - 'the Farmer's house' was lost to fire on February 19th, 2005 and subsequently replaced. </td></tr>
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It is interesting to consider, however, the harmful aspects of the hearth-fire that our ancestors were likely partly, if not entirely ignorant of. In particular, the smoke produced by burning woodfuel in enclosed halls would have represented a major hazard to health. Though smoke would pass readily through thatch, out through eaves, or, as suggested by some Danish reconstructions, through specially prepared "chimney" openings in the roof (above a suspended stretched skin to keep rain off the hearth), the insides of dwellings would nevertheless have been very smokey environments. The abundance of remedies for eye and chest complaints in the 9th century Old English medical text Bald's Leechbook / Medicinale Anglicum attributable to smoke is strong evidence for the prevalence of smoke-related maladies among people of the time. The long-term impacts of long-term exposure to wood smoke may have often included chronic respiritory problems and a high incidence of throat and lung cancers, roughly analogous to the risks associated with modern smoking habits. It is now thought, therefore, that this aspect of early Medieval life may, more than many others, have been responsible for limiting life expectancy.<br />
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In the next article we discuss tinder materials, and the results of some of our experiments with historic fire-lighting techniques. (<a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2015/09/fire-22.html">See next chapter HERE</a>). </div>
Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-61132715156577231002015-06-27T23:58:00.003+01:002015-08-17T15:50:13.663+01:00Review of the New Vic 'Hoard' Festival <div>
<b><span style="font-size: large;">Review: </span> "Unearthed" and "The Gift" at the New Vic Theatre's 'Hoard' Festival</b></div>
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Over the past few months we have been excited to follow the development of the <a href="http://www.newvichoardfestival.org.uk/"><b>Hoard festival</b></a> at Staffordshire’s <a href="http://www.newvictheatre.org.uk/"><b>New Vic Theatre</b></a>; a national-theatre and Arts Council funded project which began with a modest aim to tell the story of the famous Staffordshire Hoard and has since snowballed into the most ambitious project the theater has undertaken to date.<br />
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The festival has grown to include four stage plays ‘in the round’, a pair of studio-plays, a series of table-plays designed to entertain visitors in the theatre’s atrium and bar areas, and ‘400 pieces’; an unusual project involving volunteers and taking the drama out into the community.<br />
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During the later stages of development of the festival, the Thegns have been involved, in a small way, in advising the props, costume and set-design teams, helping the team develop a ‘look’ and ‘feel’ for those plays set at the time of the Hoard based on material-culture represented in archaeology from the time. We were highly honoured to be given front-row seats for the press-night during launch-week for the first set of plays; ‘Unearthed’ by Theresa Heskins, and ‘The Gift’ by Jemma Kennedy, and as the team had been keen not to spoil or leak any of the content of these plays to us save for the technical details, it is fair to say we sat down in the impressive theatre-in-the-round, feet quite literally on the stage, unsure of what to expect…</div>
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(<span style="color: #45818e;">Please note that the author acknowledges he is not a well-practiced theatre reviewer, and that, too, he cannot claim to be unbiassed. Nevertheless he hopes the following comments will be of interest and help to those considering visiting the festival, or help those who already plan to visit to know what to expect. )</span></blockquote>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Images copyright <a href="http://www.newvichoardfestival.org.uk/">www.newvichoardfestival.org.uk</a> used here under UK 'fair-dealing' for the purposes of review.</span></blockquote>
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The first performance, ‘<b>Unearthed</b>’, written and directed by New Vic stalwart playwright Theresa Heskins, set out to tell the story of the discovery of the Hoard. As part of the background work for this, Theresa had conducted over 80 hours of interviews with experts and participants in the original discovery with a handheld voice recorder, and it quickly became clear that the testimony of these characters would form the backbone of the retelling; the actors and actresses on stage bringing the story and interpretation of the Staffordshire Hoard to life by speaking the words of those who had been involved. From accounts from an eccentric band of metal-detectorists, to uncanny impressions of Hoard discoverer Terry Herbert, historic smith Hector Cole, and historians Michael Wood and Paul Mortimer, guided along with enthusiastic narration by a portrayal of the playwright herself and Hoard specialist Cathy Shingler, this was a performance which brought the story (and particularly the excitement) of the discovery to life. </div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Historian Michael Wood (played by Adam Morris) excitedly unfolds the story of the protection-money paid by the Northumbrians to king Penda of Mercia in the mid 7th century. Could the Hoard be part of this famous pot of gold?</td></tr>
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“<i>Don’t get bogged down with comparative analysis of Anglo-Saxon insular Salin-Style-II decoration</i>” spake patron of the festival, Michael Wood (played in ‘Unearthed’ by Adam Morris) – sage advice highlighting the challenge of retelling this story in a way which communicates the careful scientific detective-work involved in the Hoard’s interpretation which does not stray into the territory of a dry documentary. “Bringing the Hoard to life” is an admirable ambition, and ‘Unearthed’ does so both figuratively and literally. Stunning, swirling visual projections of the famous items themselves, shone onto the centre of the stage, punctuate the play, and at one point characterful beasts from the finds themselves leave their rigid interlace and crawl across the boards.</div>
With its focus on the excitement of the discovery, communicated beautifully by the cast, the emphasis on the mysteries of the Hoard, ‘Unearthed’ remained ‘human’ and engaging despite communicating a huge amount of detail about the incredible find, peppered with humour, and maintaining a light-hearted tone.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Hoard finder Terry Herbert (played by David Nellist), specialist Cathy Shingler (Elizabeth Elvin) and historian Paul Mortimer (David Semark) discuss their Hoard theories as images of the glittering items swirl beneath them.</td></tr>
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The story is not without peril. The characters recall the secrecy of operation to recover the treasure, with clandestine meetings in car-parks, switching of vehicles, cover-stories, and a rumour of a local murder planted by the land-owner in the local pub to put the ghastly ‘night-hawks’ off the scent. Later comes the challenge of raising the money to secure the treasure for the region’s museums. Towards the end of the performance various non-experts appear and give their take – emphasising the sense in which all who see the Hoard feel engaged in its mysteries, but also communicating what this find means to the people of Staffordshire, and the Midlands as a whole; an inspiration to artists; a tourist attraction; an early foreshadowing of our region’s craft and manufacturing heritage, and a source of regional pride. Theresa Heskins’ charming and enchanting retelling of the Hoard story encourages one to marvel at the miraculous treasure, but also at the miraculous effect it has had on all of us Mercians.<br />
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The second performance, '<b>The Gift</b>', written by Jemma Kennedy and directed by Gemma Fairlie, transports the audience back to an ordinary (or indeed, perhaps atypically downtrodden) settlement near Lichfield on the cusp of Christianisation, during the reign of Wulfhere. The audience is greeted by cool, descending mist from the roof, onto a modest hall arranged around a central hearth, with a fire which is carefully lit by a cast-member at the beginning of the performance. The wonderful set-design contributes perhaps more than anything to a sense of being transported back in time, along with excellently researched costumes which were hard to fault. The fictional story is rather beautifully opened with music on a 7th century Anglo-Saxon warrior lyre played by a member of the cast. These aspects, along with the incredible performances of the cast served to create a great sense of immersion.</div>
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'The Gift' begins with the return of a small band of warriors from a campaign in Northumbria as part of the king’s army, with a small portion of golden treasure, and the palpable excitement of the women-folk of the community which becomes painful anguish and grief as they notice that one member of the troop didn’t make it home. This first couple of minutes of the performance immediately sets the tone for the rest of the play; powerful, challenging drama that at times is difficult to watch. It is a credit to the cast (particularly Byronie Pritchard and Gwawr Loader) and director (Gemma Fairlie) that such moments were so moving, and at times unsettling. The action sees conflict erupt within the community over what to do with the treasure, seeing numerous lives destroyed, and ultimately with the burial of the gold ‘where the poppies grow’ near the Roman road.<br />
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The story of 'The Gift' focuses closely on the changing world of the 7th century, and how these changes (particularly Christianisation) would have played out in small, previously pagan communities. While the men seem quite ready to shrug off their pagan ways and take up the new faith, the women of the community (arguably the main focus of the story, and led by the formidable Wilda - Jemma Churchill) are more reluctant, and are so motivated by their superstitions, sense of identity and fear of change that they are driven to rather extreme ends.</div>
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Despite the impressive work in creating the well-researched “world” in which the action takes place, it is important to recognise that these plays set in the 7th century are creative responses to the Hoard and not meant to be meticulous historical reconstruction. Nevertheless it is fair to say that the depiction of Anglo-Saxon culture and society in ‘The Gift’ is not a favorable or kind one. Following on from a now well-established tradition of depicting ordinary early-Medieval folk as fairly crude and un-prudish with a love of innuendo (based on a fair bit of evidence), the less hard-hitting moments of the play are filled with earthy humour. This seems fair enough, but the playwright Jemma Kennedy has chosen to focus on various aspects of early Anglo-Saxon society that enthusiasts for the period might often seek to downplay; slavery, prejudice, ritualism and fatalism. While the men-folk are portrayed as macho and loutish (again probably quite fair), the women are portrayed, for the most part, as superstitious and bloodthirsty, while their cruel treatment of a Welsh slave seems to have been based more on recent notions of slavery than anything we have evidence for from the 7th century. Likewise certain ritual elements (not limited to blood-rites and human sacrifice) will leave scholars of the Anglo-Saxon period scratching their heads. The juxtaposition of brutal Anglo-Saxons with a sophisticated musical Welsh slave-girl, and a Roman-loving, Latin-speaking eunuch seems a deliberate attempt to dampen the audience’s enthusiasm for the Anglo-Saxons (and particularly Mercians) as a civilization; -unwashed savages compared to their predecessors and contemporary cultures, who presided over a ‘Dark Age’. </div>
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The Mercians, as depicted, seem to have been afforded almost no redeeming features (with the possible exception of the likeable Teon - Romayne Andrews), which jars uncomfortably with the appreciation shown elsewhere for this period and culture as (to quote showrunner Theresa Heskins) “not relentlessly brutal, harsh and crude, but [a time of] delicately detailed beauty and breathtaking craftsmanship”. There is no question that Christianity is depicted as morally superior to the community’s pre-existing pagan faith, although the male converts are strongly implied to have converted for the wrong reasons and therefore also ‘lose’. </div>
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There is as much Latin and Welsh in this play as Old English, although the inclusion of the latter at-all is a tall order in comparison to the former and deserves significant praise. The aforementioned Latin-speaking eunuch’s very existence is hard to explain in the context of the historical times in question, and he seems to exist mainly as a vehicle to allow the famous ‘inscribed gold strip’ of the Hoard to be read; its fearsome Christian inscription hinted as being a curse that could explain the misfortune which unfolds for the pagan characters.<br />
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The story of “The Gift” seems to squeeze every ounce of drama that it is possible to cram into a story written for this context, and although it strays far beyond what is evidenced for the historic culture concerned, in a way which at times will be bewildering to those familiar with the period, the play overall is thought-provoking and powerful. Playwright Jemma Kennedy has certainly latched on to an interesting untold story dating to the time of the Hoard; the reluctant and perhaps painful conversion of small rural Anglo-Saxon communities to the new faith. <br />
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Overall then, these two plays (representing less than 40% of what’s on offer as part of this huge unfolding festival) represent two extremes; one a light-hearted celebration of the Hoard and what it offers to the people of Staffordshire and the Midlands, and the other a hard-hitting exploration of themes including identity, superstition and prejudice which perhaps has more to say about our own lives than the lives of our ancestors. We very much look forward to seeing the remainder of this stunning festival unfold, and would encourage all theatre-going readers, those interested in history and in stories of the Midlands not to miss an opportunity to savor what is on offer at the New Vic Theatre this summer. </div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"> “<i>The Staffordshire Hoard grips the imagination because history has the ability to give value and meaning to the present.</i>” - Michael Wood</span> </blockquote>
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<o:p> </o:p>'Unearthed' and 'The Gift' on show from <b>Sat 20 June – Sat 25 July</b> alongside other <a href="http://www.newvichoardfestival.org.uk/"><b>Hoard festival</b> </a>performances. The second double-bill; "The Throne" and "Larksong" runs from Fri 3 July – Sat 25 July at the New Vic Theatre, Newcastle Under Lyme, Staffordshire.</div>
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Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-8001156716080103852015-03-06T12:27:00.000+00:002015-03-06T12:38:14.455+00:00In Defense of Non-Combat Living History<h2>
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="color: blue;">Opinion:</span></span> In defense of Non-Combat Living History</h2>
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<span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace;">Please note that the commentary herein is the opinion of an individual contributor and does not necessary represent the collective opinion or position held by the Thegns of Mercia organisation. </span><br />
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On a recent weekend (February 2015) we had the pleasure of visiting the famous Jorvik Viking Festival in York; a unique annual event which brings together diverse groups of reenactors, living-historians, craftspeople, traders and members of the public from across Britain and elsewhere, all united by an interest in the early Medieval period. Jorvik, in particular, is a very 'social' event providing an opportunity for like-minded but geographically dispersed people within what could be called the 'Dark-Age reenactment community' to meet and socialize. </div>
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Such gatherings are usually very good natured but, inevitably, one of the common topics of discussion is the relative accuracy, legitimacy or validity of different groups' approaches. Such comparisons offer valuable opportunities for groups to learn from each other and, as long as those involved remain fair-minded and accepting of constructive criticism, are arguably good for all involved.</div>
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It was interesting this year that, in conversation with various participants, a common topic of discussion was the legitimacy/validity (or lack thereof) of non-combat living history (as regards the Viking Age or Early Medieval period). In truth I found it somewhat bewildering to see many reenactors challenge the legitimacy of groups which don't focus on, or participate in combat, given that, for my part, I had thought the value of such groups and their contributions were self evident. I was all the more surprised to hear from a number of my colleagues, in subsequent discussion, that they had encountered fellow living historians who had expressed this view. </div>
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The challenge can be divided into two: first, that non-combat living historians somehow lack legitimacy or validity, and second, more specifically, that 'living historians' playing the role of warriors, who do not themselves participate in combat reenactment, lack legitimacy or validity. </div>
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Arguably, such challenges are most easily rebutted by pointing out that it is up to clients to decide what is legitimate. Non-combat groups do not struggle to find meaningful work. </div>
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Nevertheless, as a relatively well-fed, 5ft9 pain-averse living historian with little interest in physical violence, I thought I might use this soapbox to speak up for my kind. </div>
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(Most of the observations in the following discussion pertain to 'Dark Age' living history and reenactment, in the UK in particular. Attitudes and practices certainly vary between different living history communities representing different periods, and, of course, vary between different counries).<br />
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The terms "reenactment" and "living history", along with their personal forms "reenactor" and "living historian", are relatively modern in origin and can, conceivably, be used in conversation or in writing to mean whatever one likes. To some, these terms are interchangeable; "non-combat reenactment" is a real thing, and it is legitimate for combat reenactors to call themselves "living historians". </div>
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It has, for a long time, been my preference to use the term "reenactment" (which inevitably, at least in the mind of the average member of public, conjures up images of ranks of soldiers facing off against one-another) to mean specifically combat or battle reenactment, and the (at least in British circles) lesser-known term "living-history" to refer to other activities beyond fighting. I am sure many would disagree with this framework but it is the one I follow and seems to minimise ambiguity in conversation with clients and the public. As a non-combatant, it would be wrong, I feel, to call myself a "reenactor", while a large proportion of 'Dark Age' reenactors engage in other historic activities and can therefore, with total legitimacy under the described framework, call themselves living-historians too. For reasons of convenience I will therefore, here, use the term "reenactor" to refer to one who engages in combat reenactment and generally recreates an <b>event </b>in history, and "living-historian" to refer to one who engages in other activities which bring a <b>period </b>of history to life.</div>
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<b>The value of "Combat Reenactment"</b><br />
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It is worth beginning by recognizing the value of combat reenactment - a pursuit which demands considerable commitment and training. Such events pull in the crowds, delight spectators and encourage interest, and though compromises much inevitably be made for sensible safety reasons, the best reenactors readily acknowledge these and note that the ongoing challenge is to provide a convincing and suitably well-evidenced spectacle within such limitations. </div>
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Critics might argue that little can be learned by troops of men hacking and prodding each-other with blunted weapons, but the valuable insights into historical combat techniques and battle strategies eloquently highlighted in works by veteran reenactors such as Kim Siddorn or Dan Shadrake (pioneers in 'Viking Age' and Late Roman / 'Migration Age' reenactment combat respectively) prove that the reconstruction of historic combat techniques is an academically useful pursuit. Their writings, and those of equivalent commentators on other historic periods are well worth a read, even for non-combat living historians. <br />
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Thus, at least for my part, when I speak up for non-combat living history and it's place alongside, or even without combat reenactment, I do so with no intention to disparage combat reenactment or denigrate those who choose to participate in it. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEijtaJzoL7WYLBGGg5y8RYIcLrGeo_uvYws0kb4IrCIEnDxcc2vtuwzCsqdPyEgBlIFE9rskBVN7BoknjNeWkJBIasvh3uW5dbGIVUxBZTM3XBPmMJ9QMAzYhyphenhyphen1-pqJJGDYFxZTyNdELjI/s1600/16428889677_d12dddaac4_z.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEijtaJzoL7WYLBGGg5y8RYIcLrGeo_uvYws0kb4IrCIEnDxcc2vtuwzCsqdPyEgBlIFE9rskBVN7BoknjNeWkJBIasvh3uW5dbGIVUxBZTM3XBPmMJ9QMAzYhyphenhyphen1-pqJJGDYFxZTyNdELjI/s1600/16428889677_d12dddaac4_z.jpg" height="302" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Image from Jorvik Viking Festival, York, February 2015. (<a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/allan_harris/16428889677/in/photostream/">cc. Allan Harris</a>)</td></tr>
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<b>The Value of non-combat "Living History"</b><br />
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The first challenge as described in the preamble, that non-combat reenactment or living history is somehow less legitimate or valuable, is, I would argue, so absurd as to seem a "straw man". </div>
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It is perhaps "inexpensive" to point out that, in the 6th-11th centuries, as in any historic period, there was more to life than fighting. Even during the most warlike of times, when the fates of entire peoples hung in the balance, the majority of folk were not soldiers and had lives to lead beyond the battlefield. It can be argued that, even if the objective is to portray the way of life of a professional warrior class, a battle-reenactment is not representative, being as battles were relatively rare events (see below). To quote a valuable observation made in a popular medieval fantasy series; "even in war's darkest days, in most places in the world, absolutely nothing is happening."</div>
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Thus while combat reenactment recreates pivotal moments in history, where the main players are fighters, non-combat living history is well placed to recreate the "everyday"; the crafts, culture and way-of-life of a wider cross-section of society than is represented on the battlefield. With respect to the so-called "Dark Ages" an excessive focus on combat risks reinforcing the commonly held misconception of the period as brutish, uncivilized and warlike. </div>
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The exploration of crafts, culture and way of life of historic peoples is no less legitimate or valuable than the way they fought, and these activities have, if not a broader, certainly a complimentary appeal. While certain visitors to a living history event may enjoy seeing combat, others will prefer to see crafts, listen to music, or learn about archaeology.<br />
There are a large number of groups which specialize in this sort of approach. One prime example, outside of my own specialist period, that springs to mind; "<a href="http://www.tudorgroup.co.uk/">The Tudor Group</a>", truly exemplifies this approach, and has received some considerable recognition in recent years for it.<br />
The appeal of this type of living history is increasingly being recognized, as more and more museums set aside dedicated living history areas in their exhibitions, and history programmes become increasingly dominated not by dry documentaries about the deeds of the elites, but by 'living history' shows from "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wartime_Farm">Wartime Farm</a>" to "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victorian_Pharmacy">Victorian Pharmacy</a>" which explore the way of life of ordinary folk. </div>
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The broadness of appeal of non-combat reenactment matters not just to visitors and spectators, but to participants. It is fair to say that some combat-focused groups are not necessarily particularly diverse, and that reenactment can suffer from a problem of appeal. A great many people who would like to be involved in living history in general are not enthused by the macho notion of combat reenactment and would prefer to explore other aspects. Many men, and, it is fair to say, large numbers of women in particular, may be put off altogether by attitudes which place combat at the centre and treat other aspects as secondary at best, and at worst invalid or of little value. </div>
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Likewise, while the preoccupation with combat, of some groups, may put off the fairer sex, it can also alienate those who, for whatever reason, cannot participate in such activities but wish to be involved. Young people, folk with disabilities, and older people (including many 'veteran' living historians with decades of experience and a wealth of skills and knowledge) can make fantastic contributions if not alienated by an attitude which places combat above all else and leaves them feeling undervalued. </div>
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It is also worth noting that the fruits of the labours of 'non-combat living historians' frequently underpin the entire endeavor. The elaborate clothing, finely made jewelry and even weapons and armour which combat reenactors are so fond of are usually the work of skilled craftspeople who explore history in their own, no less valid way.</div>
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<b>Non-Combat "Warriors"</b><br />
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The second criticism leveled at non-combat living history concerns the role of non-combat "warriors". What business do folk who do not fight have marching about the place wearing arms and armour, and what value do they add?</div>
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The matter of "status" is one that cannot really be tackled. If a person believes one only has the right to march about in warrior regalia if one has fought reenactment battles, that person is welcome to that view, though few are in a position that gives them the right to enforce that taboo on others. It is worth noting, though, to those who hold this view, that many "non-combat warriors" have in fact accumulated years of experience in practical combat reenactment and have simply chosen to move away from it; indeed, some continue to get stuck in "when wearing different hats".</div>
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The value of "non-combat warriors", however, is relatively easy to demonstrate, although unfortunately necessitates dwelling on various drawbacks of combat reenactment. Where simulated combat is concerned, equipment must be adapted to reduce the risk of injury to participants, and in practice this means that all participants are required to have at least a minimal level of protective equipment. In practice, with respect to the period I know best - the Migration Age and 'Viking Age', this typically means that all involved must wear helmets (despite the lack of archaeological evidence for widespread helmet use), all of which must be of a particular gauge of steel far in excess of what is evidenced by archaeological finds. Meanwhile, shields - quite readily damaged in a real pitched battle, are, understandably, made cheaply and more robust than is evidenced, in order to survive more seasons and be more easily replaced. </div>
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Weapons are blunted, but also distorted. While having a blunt edge is, in itself, a distortion of a sword's intended shape, swords for use in Migration-Age and 'Viking-Age' reenactment differ from their historic counterparts in having deeper fullers and increased taper to reduce the momentum of sword-strikes and thereby reduce harm caused by blunt-force to the opponent. Smaller edged-weapons are, proportionally, distorted even more, such that seaxes and spearheads, with their broadly rounded tips bear little resemblance to their historic counterparts. Across a troop, swords tend to be over-represented, as these are marginally easier to wield in a 'safe' manner than reenactment spears, which, no matter how blunt, can still feasibly impale fellow participants. These observations alone are to say nothing of the metallurgy of such items.<br />
Risking costly-to-repair damage if taken out on the battlefield and hit with blunt weapons, some well-evidenced items such as elaborately decorated helmets or shields typically don't feature, or, when they do, their decorative elements are "made chunky" or omitted. The general effect is of a more uniform, "plainer" looking, but also more heavily armoured troop than is evidenced - certainly with respect to the early Anglo-Saxon age. </div>
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Again, these observations are made not to denigrate reenactors or the work they do, but simply to illustrate that there is a place for the display of reconstructed war-gear and warrior accouterments unrestricted by the necessary and sensible limitations associated with combat reenactment.<br />
Again citing a famous group which exemplifies this approach, outside of my own specialist period, the "<a href="http://www.erminestreetguard.co.uk/">Ermine Street Guard</a>" are famous across Europe for their convincing representations of Roman troops (principally from time of the Flavian dynasty), and, although they do demonstrate training drills and troop formations, the fact that they typically steer clear of simulated combat allows them to display kit that is arguably more convincing than would be possible otherwise. When visiting one of their events, it is very easy indeed to feel "transported" back in time.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ermine Street Guard at Caerleon. <a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/thearmaturapress/7813877676/">(cc. Mike Bishop)</a></td></tr>
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Putting aside matters related to kit, and the ability to devote more time at events discussing martial aspects with members of the public (occasionally, perhaps slightly sneeringly referred to as "show and tell"), it is worth remembering that even professional "full time" warriors through history spent most of their time off the battlefield, and "non-combat warriors" are ideally placed to represent the more everyday life of such people. For the aforementioned Romans there are training drills and formations to be demonstrated, and countless other tasks associated with a campaigning legion that do not involve simulating battles. For a famous group representing elite heroic warriors from the 6th-7th centuries, a number of members of whom we are proud to call friends, the typical activity associated with their impressions is referred to jokingly as "arrogancing"; which is to say, arrogantly marching around in glittering but intimidating war-gear, inspiring awe and perhaps a small amount of fear in members of the public. For the culture and social stratum they represent, this "arrogancing" - reinforcing their position and status above ordinary folk, and discouraging challenges from rivals, is perhaps more representative of the day-to-day life of heroic warriors than either battle or training. </div>
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Overall, then, I hope I have made a reasonable case for the value of both non-combat living history, and non-combat warriors. There will always be differences of opinion within the living history and reenactment communities, but hopefully most people will recognize that, though approaches may vary, most have their own particular merits. </div>
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<i><span style="font-size: large;">A.T.</span></i><br />
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<span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: x-small;">This conversational 'opinion piece' was written by one of our contributors, and does not necessarily represent the collective opinion or position held by the Thegns of Mercia organisation. </span></div>
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Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-81557966762117502722015-01-27T16:58:00.001+00:002015-01-27T17:17:03.358+00:00Winingas / Leg Windings<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfJs5hBeD1yGR7Rt7cNg1nX382pJxUrNh4Xwnhv97Uf-bvptC4PMPkPTIUGXXvwDFicbt4IqetVZFo1qjk34qo_c8qvnHrsgi8O4FKGDgUGIT_OUR3p1NHPdrZgg7Tx5wtozSMQmASpf0/s1600/unnamed.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><br /></a>
<span style="color: #999999; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;">Last year (2014) not long after we had arrived at West Stow Anglo-Saxon Village we learned of the death of an old friend; Roy Bickerstaffe, a long-standing fellow member of Þa Engliscan Gesiþas - the Anglo-Saxon Society, archery enthusiast and inspirational medievalist. A number of founding members of the Thegns had had many of their first experiences of living history with Roy, who's support and great knowledge had always been an inspiration.<br />Later that evening, as we sat around the hall-fire, wrapped in our cloaks, having eaten and drunk well, we toasted Roy’s memory, the person with whom we had shared much ale in the past. <br />I dedicate this article to his memory. </span><br />
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">Winingas</span></b><br />
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Winingas are long strips of cloth which were wrapped around the lower legs. Also known as ‘leg bindings’, they are similar to the ‘puttees’ worn by British soldiers at the time of the Great War.<br />
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These items of clothing, although sometimes an annoyance for the modern living historian, have considerable utility, are almost ubiquitous on manuscript depictions of men during the Anglo-Saxon period, and are worth a brief study.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="text-align: start;">Image retrieved from <a href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Lillyundfreya&oldid=6955226">Wikimedia Commons</a></span></span></td></tr>
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This Old English word <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">winingas </span></i></b>is the plural of <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">wining </span></i></b>(a word which relates to the act of ‘winding’). The equivalent term in Old Norse is <b><i><span style="color: #0b5394;">Vindingr</span></i></b>.<br />
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On the basis of depictions and reconstruction, it seems winingas were probably usually between 2 - 3 inches (5 -7.5 cm.) wide and around 12 feet (3.66m.) long. The wining was wrapped around the lower leg in a spiral, starting at the ankle (or around the foot) and ending just below the knee. It would probably have been typical to simply tuck the ends into the bandaging, although some have suggested the tying of braid over the top to secure them. Occasionally pins or clasps were used.<br />
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Winingas were in common use across Northern Europe during the European Iron Age / Early Medieval Period.<br />
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Galen, physician to Marcus Aurelius describes something called<i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;"> fascia crurales</span></b></i>, worn by hunters. These were probably what we would recognise as <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">winingas</span></i></b>. It is likely that soldiers of the Late Roman period, many of whom would have been of Germanic origin, would have worn these when appropriate. Bandage-like fragments of textile found at Vindolanda and dating to the late 1st century CE, suggest that leg-wrappings may be even more ancient. Suetonius states that the Emperor Augustus frequently wore leg-wrappings against the cold but Marcus Fabius Quintilianus wrote that they were only used by invalids. Certainly, by the 3rd century CE, their use must have been common; Emperor Alexander Severus (Roman Emperor from 222 to 235 CE) is recorded as always wearing them.<br />
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Winingas are commonly depicted in artwork and examples have been recovered from bogs, where anaerobic conditions have preserved the material. The small clasps which often secured the winingas are also sometimes recovered in situ from graves.<br />
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It seems likely that most winingas were woven specially to the desired width rather than cut from a larger piece of cloth, which would necessitate hemming and stitching <b>*</b>. The cloth used today for ‘living history’ is almost universally a fairly loose-weave herringbone twill wool fabric. Finds from Hedeby (Old Norse Heiðabýr, German Haithabu) demonstrate that winings were also made from 2:2 twill and even 1:1 tabby woven cloth. The winingas recovered from Thorsberg and Damendorf (bog finds dating to the pre-Viking Age) were both made from a 2:2 twill.<br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>*</b>The tabby-woven wining found at Hedeby seems to have been cut from a larger piece of material, not woven to the right size. Similar hemmed winingas have been found in bogs (Obenaltendorf Man).</span><br />
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I am not aware of any evidence for other than woollen cloth being used for this purpose. Although linen could have been used it would likely have been far less practical, in terms of warmth and security. In practice, loosely woven wool - the stretchier the better, is most practical, being less likely to work loose at inopportune moments and become a trip hazard.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfJs5hBeD1yGR7Rt7cNg1nX382pJxUrNh4Xwnhv97Uf-bvptC4PMPkPTIUGXXvwDFicbt4IqetVZFo1qjk34qo_c8qvnHrsgi8O4FKGDgUGIT_OUR3p1NHPdrZgg7Tx5wtozSMQmASpf0/s1600/unnamed.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><br /></a>Winingas could conceivably have been any colour that could be achieved on other garments, with plant dyeing. It is typical to see wingingas in brown, dark green and grey, although the Franks were said to favour red.<br />
<b><br />Function</b></div>
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Across depictions of men dating from the Anglo-Saxon period, winingas are practically ubiquitous. Indeed, there are cases where winingas are shown being warn, even when trousers are not!</div>
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For some Anglo-Saxon and Viking-Age reenactors and living historians, winingas can be viewed as an irritation. While it is true that they add considerable time and "faff" to the costuming and de-costuming at the beginning and end of the day, and are occasionally responsible for wardrobe malfunctions which range from the annoying to the mortifying, they do have considerable utility, and their commonplace use in Anglo-Saxon times makes a lot of sense. </div>
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First, winginas would have protected the bottom of the trouser legs from wear (and hence the underlying vulnerable skin of the shins), preventing tears from brambles etc. With clothing being of considerable value and costly to replace or even repair, the importance of this cannot be overstated.</div>
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Winingas are warm in the winter (as well as surprisingly comfortable in the winter) and by effectively closing off the shoe, serve to keep mud, stones and snow out, keeping one's feet and legs drier, in winter conditions, than might otherwise be the case. These useful functions, in particular, lie at the root of the re-emergence of leg-bindings in Europe in the 19th century, as practical elements of military dress adopted after British Indian Army fashion ('Putees'). </div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjBrS42GMM23aCHkak1fg7jkE0vrTK5sOWOH9zuPl5rgsFEtvRC1wlLKHfHsHUqeHo280bSz3mq6La-3bXU1twyBwpHUfFeCI0c302poFpoKIr_0SDdpqvD_OUXr1hYvHD3cbAUoFdXwLE/s1600/unnamed+(1).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjBrS42GMM23aCHkak1fg7jkE0vrTK5sOWOH9zuPl5rgsFEtvRC1wlLKHfHsHUqeHo280bSz3mq6La-3bXU1twyBwpHUfFeCI0c302poFpoKIr_0SDdpqvD_OUXr1hYvHD3cbAUoFdXwLE/s1600/unnamed+(1).jpg" height="287" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">British Lewis-Gunners wearing putees; July 1916. </td></tr>
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As many long days of living history have shown, winginas, further, provide useful support for the calves during a long day on one's feet. It is further, interesting to note that they completely deny access to the skin of the leg to biting insects and ticks. The value of this aspect became acutely apparent at a recent event where participants were called to walk through long grass, and it was noticeable that no-one with winingas suffered insect bites. Spending days working the fields, or else, foraging and hunting in woodland, this aspect may have been of considerable importance to wearers in the first millennium. </div>
<div>
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Winingas are simple technology and the strong woollen strips can be used <i>in extremis</i> as bandages, for splinting fractures and a thousand and one other purposes.<br />
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Strips of cloth wound around the lower legs are a simple and very practical garment. The old re-enactor cheat of cutting winingas from a larger piece of fabric and hemming them turns out to be historically defensible. However, experience has shown that winingas made from hemmed and less stretchy material than the standard herringbone twill, adhere much less well to the leg. As one can state from considerable experience, when bandaging a limb, the correct crêpe bandage is essential. The correct technique when applying winingas is also critical. </div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh4jBRSCFWHnXCylbHPuAwULFrZdhAClU_c3_KP49Dt6CI8CS5N1v35ohHbOTIvqj2SE-BVCYA9EFGQczEVum6EiFN_LjtI408Q8AcsLW3WahNaC8gplpjFU50HX14-kf8nhTuyI2Q1gNM/s1600/unnamed+(2).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh4jBRSCFWHnXCylbHPuAwULFrZdhAClU_c3_KP49Dt6CI8CS5N1v35ohHbOTIvqj2SE-BVCYA9EFGQczEVum6EiFN_LjtI408Q8AcsLW3WahNaC8gplpjFU50HX14-kf8nhTuyI2Q1gNM/s1600/unnamed+(2).jpg" height="400" width="303" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Roy Bickerstaffe spreading knowledge about the Anglo-Saxons</td></tr>
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<div>
I would here like to pay tribute to the man who first instructed me on how to put on my winingas; Roy Bickerstaffe. Many years ago, at a living history event, I asked Roy for advice.<br />
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“How do you put these unprintable things on without them pulling one’s trousers down?” I asked.<br />
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(I saw this happen recently to a re-enactor in public during a march through a town centre, much to his embarrassment.)<br />
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Kindly, this veteran explained that the trick was to use the correct material and to apply the windings sitting down - never stooping, allowing plenty of slack in the trousers above the knee. I have always followed his advice since and my winingas have never let me down!</div>
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Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-67204253260982919822014-07-29T12:54:00.001+01:002014-07-29T12:54:45.228+01:00The Shield from Bidford-on-Avon Grave 182 (2/2)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">The Shield from Bidford-on-Avon Grave 182 (Part 2) </span></b><br />
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<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJrFEQJp43oAm9t1-VTcymeUtCWSS9W2-rNtpe4Uf3z0XUqrr5mlOTy_Zh-7ukHtVVNMYOrpIeZXZuax7Jy3pm0uv7OBUkIBNTihSI3LdU9gqJxfBBtp_L6R4J2xPatmNS6NNArzWugq0/s1600/182+(0).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJrFEQJp43oAm9t1-VTcymeUtCWSS9W2-rNtpe4Uf3z0XUqrr5mlOTy_Zh-7ukHtVVNMYOrpIeZXZuax7Jy3pm0uv7OBUkIBNTihSI3LdU9gqJxfBBtp_L6R4J2xPatmNS6NNArzWugq0/s1600/182+(0).jpg" height="300" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Bidford-182 boss (with permission of Shakespeare Birthplace Trust)</td></tr>
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In the <a href="http://www.thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2014/07/bidford-shield-1.html" target="_blank"><b>previous article</b></a> we discussed the importance of the early Anglian cemetery of Bidford-on-Avon and the unique shield remains found in in a warrior grave known as grave-182, excavated in 1923. While this mixed-burial-rite cemetery has yielded many impressive finds (mostly dated to the 6th and early 7th centuries) the grave-182 shield remains are of huge interest and have few comparisons.<br />
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Following two years of research, acquisition of materials, and after personal examination of the finds (kindly facilitated by the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust Collections Dept.), we attempted to produce a convincing reconstruction of what this high-status shield may have originally looked like, using authentic materials and techniques. <br />
The result, we hope, will help shed new light on and raise awareness of the long forgotten find, allow the story of the find to be told, and allow greater appreciation of the skilled craftspeople who built the original.<br />
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<b><span style="color: #7f6000;">Nb. we are greatly indebted to the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust Collections Department, without who's help we could not have pieced together the story of the find. Examination of the original fragments in spring 2014, in particular, was crucial to achieving a representative reconstruction. </span></b><br />
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">The Reconstruction</span></b><br />
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<b>The Boss (<i style="color: #38761d;">Rand / Buc</i>)</b></div>
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Following much research and planning, the first task was to commission an accurate replica iron boss. Although most images of this boss show a tall straight-edged cone, these pictures are actually of an artful papier-mâché reconstruction made at some point during the last few decades to demonstrate the placement of the gilt copper-alloy appliqués. This was necessary due to the disintegration of the iron boss post-excavation.<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhISEIa4Z0ALoIUBnfn2tTu9CCi2eca0JrtxoUuVd4TR9NjW1oIFjpPPAWT8bjCUQ4ZS-nvlVUlilVTELcA_PatDXN2aNPHVY118Ec6GZE25vrLdnTzjFJhRe-ZDBKyT3kpv8ZrTEQRDGQ/s1600/182+(-).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhISEIa4Z0ALoIUBnfn2tTu9CCi2eca0JrtxoUuVd4TR9NjW1oIFjpPPAWT8bjCUQ4ZS-nvlVUlilVTELcA_PatDXN2aNPHVY118Ec6GZE25vrLdnTzjFJhRe-ZDBKyT3kpv8ZrTEQRDGQ/s1600/182+(-).jpg" height="265" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Remains of the Bidford-182 boss (with permission of Shakespeare Birthplace Trust) </td></tr>
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Close examination of the original (largely disintegrated) boss, show that it had had a slightly shallower and more domed cone than had been implied by the oft-photographed replica. These invaluable insights helped inform our more accurate reconstruction. We noted that this boss required a slightly wider than usual flange in order to accommodate the beast appliqués and a wide and robust button to accommodate the apex disc. The challenging task of fabricating the boss was undertaken by the talented <a href="http://www.wielandforge.co.uk/" target="_blank">Jason Green of Wieland Forge</a>. True historic smith-craft is not an exact science, yet Jason was able to produce a boss that is very close to the specifications of the original. In particular, the replica boss Jason produced had a button of precisely the dimensions necessary to best support and visually 'frame' the decorative disc (as with the original boss) and a flange not only broad enough but with the correct curvature (linking to the diameter of the boss itself) that it matched the curve of original flange-appliques. </div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHboBfbQQu1VGPOzWgQgatpSykj8oLejHIuZC-uiCkW-kz7PF0GbUOaFghEADdye0EYi3_HgdMs1fFqUJHUiPgXpY-scT-tzO56W5myoOi8lVCE-g8UBlADCxJ2UjRU04LRWwexhy1U2g/s1600/IMG_3338.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHboBfbQQu1VGPOzWgQgatpSykj8oLejHIuZC-uiCkW-kz7PF0GbUOaFghEADdye0EYi3_HgdMs1fFqUJHUiPgXpY-scT-tzO56W5myoOi8lVCE-g8UBlADCxJ2UjRU04LRWwexhy1U2g/s1600/IMG_3338.JPG" height="303" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Replica boss by Jason Green (Wieland Forge) before addition of the decoration</td></tr>
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<div>
The impressive decorative beast-headed gilt copper-alloy mounts and apex-disc for the boss were commissioned from our associate historic jeweler <a href="http://www.danegeld.co.uk/" target="_blank">George Easton of Danegeld</a>. George was able to replicate the appliques precisely and to the exact dimensions of the originals (Dickinson, 2005). To see the fittings as they would have originally looked, with their gilding restored, was a truly exciting moment.</div>
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The appliques were applied to the flange of the boss in the correct positions using soft copper-alloy rivets, while the decorative button-disc was (like the original) applied with solder later. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6OfhnblihTD57Sc7_WNOM8_CzzR6nzMmbtuiEEUJv2gldKzosC8AXxIQ8MbJ1n5L5fNqq6IhdN9dPNPfhYjsv99XEiR5sztG64ug6BFMg011Wi2DPMW7WLFMyuq72h09jzbkn1GQ4ImY/s1600/IMG_3344.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6OfhnblihTD57Sc7_WNOM8_CzzR6nzMmbtuiEEUJv2gldKzosC8AXxIQ8MbJ1n5L5fNqq6IhdN9dPNPfhYjsv99XEiR5sztG64ug6BFMg011Wi2DPMW7WLFMyuq72h09jzbkn1GQ4ImY/s1600/IMG_3344.JPG" height="400" width="290" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Underside of the replica boss, after the flange appliques had been riveted in place </td></tr>
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<b>The Shield Board (<i style="color: #38761d;">Bord</i>)</b><br />
Construction of the shield board began with selection of the appropriate timber. In Anglo-Saxon poetry, the timber synonymous with shields was that of the lime or linden tree (<i>Tilia</i> sp.), yet pollen records indicate that England's lime population was extremely limited by the early Anglo-Saxon period (having fallen sharply during the Bronze Age) (Rackam, 2006), and analysis of cemetery finds indicate that, contrary to poetic references, lime was very rarely used for shields (Dickinson & Harke, 1992). Looking across the corpus of Anglo-Saxon shields where wood has survived for examination, it would seem that willow and poplar were most favoured (if we are to assume no sampling error due to differential survival in the soil) but there remains a huge variety, with even oak occasionally used (Dickinson & Harke, 1992). It is reasonable to assume that the selection of shield board material involved a number of trade-offs, including density, grain, hardness, split resistance, availability, and the ease with which a material could be shaped.</div>
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While one might expect warriors of a particular settlement to have built their boards from whatever material was locally available, examples such as the shields from the Tranmer House cemetery suggest that, at least for high status individuals, it would not be unheard of for more desirable shield timber to be imported from neighboring areas. In the Tranmer House case (Bullock et. al., 2011), the imported material in question was ash (<i>Fraxinus excelsior</i>); a wood not available locally and relatively rarely used for shields (although synonymous with spear-shafts). Ash is only slightly less dense than oak and would have represented one of the very 'heaviest' options for a shield board (Dickinson & Harke, 1992), but its extreme split-resistance (exceeding, by a large margin, that of all other timbers known to have been used for shields) may have explained its desirability by the early 7th century elite buried at Sutton Hoo. </div>
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As the Bidford-on-Avon cemetery was excavated before the days of modern archaeological analysis, we were not able to determine from the published material what wood this high status shield was likely to have been constructed from. Nevertheless, the limestone-dominated landscape within which Bidford sits naturally favours woodland communities featuring ash, and would likely have done so in the 7th century as much as today (Rackam, 2006). With the relative abundance of mature ash, locally, it is hard to imagine that the inhabitants of the Avon valley would not have considered this strong timber for the manufacturing of high status shield boards. <br />
For our reconstruction, we were lucky enough to be able to source 10-year seasoned air-dried ash planks hewn from a tree felled only 12 miles away from Bidford-on-Avon itself. </div>
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<b>-Board Thickness</b><br />
In England actual shield-board timber never survives other than as ‘pseudomorphs’ in the metallic corrosion products, which sometimes are detailed enough to determine the actual species of timber used for the board. The thickness of the board thus has to be determined indirectly by measuring the free length of rivets or clench-nails which penetrate the board. The three candidates are boss rivets / clench-nails, grip rivets / clench-nails and board studs. While the former, when extant, give an indication of the approximate thickness of the board (including, taking into account some compression, the animal-hide layers) at the center, the latter give an indication of the thickness further along the board, while rivets on long-type grips can give an indication of board thickness closer to the edge. </div>
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Most early Anglo-Saxon shields seem to have been a hide-wood, or hide-wood-hide sandwich. The strength of the shield derives, in no small part, from this composite construction. The 10th century Latin poem Waltharius (line 1035) explicitly states that:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
‘<b><i><span style="color: #f1c232;">sed retinet fractum pellis superaddita lignum.</span></i></b>’<br />
“<i>the covering hide holds the shattered wood together</i>.” - Waltharius line 1035 (C10th)</blockquote>
It is clear that cow or ox-hide was used in shield construction; traces persisting as identifiable pseudomorphs under the boss-flange and grip etc. What is less clear, from the archaeology, is whether the material used to face the shield was fully tanned leather, rawhide, some half-way stage in between or cuir-bouli - as deposits left by these are usually indistinguishable even with modern techniques. However, experience from previous projects has shown that gluing rawhide wet (necessarily so that it can be flattened) onto a thin shield-board will, at best, warp the board as the drying rawhide shrinks. At worst, the planks are pulled apart. A tanned or partially tanned cover can be applied with minimal or no wetting, and thus no deformation caused by shrinkage. If these more pliable materials were used for board covers some degree of compression / embedding would be expected at rivet-heads, which may lead board thickness measures inferred from rivets to be slight under-estimates. Overall the composition of a shield's composite cross-section can be calculated using the following formulae;</div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"> Free length of rivet [R] = Thickness of board [B] - thickness lost by compression at rivet heads [C] </span></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Thickness lost by compression [C] = Compression % [c] * hide thickness [H] * number of hide layers [L] </span></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">Thickness of board [B] = wood thickness [W] + ( hide thickness [H] * number of hide layers [L] ) </span></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
Or alternatively; R=W+HL-cHL .: W=R-HL+cHL and B=W+HL</blockquote>
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Following this logic a shield with a hide-wood-hide sandwich construction would need thinner planks than a wood-hide (open-back) shield of the same overall thickness, though additional compression of the second hide layer should also be taken into account. (C∝HL). Thus, if we assume that a hide-wood-hide sandwich shield with quoted rivet-length 8mm was made with two layers of conventional vegetable-tanned leather approx. 2mm thickness (front and rear faces), and that this leather compressed by 50% (probably an over-estimate) at the rivet during manufacture, it would be reasonable to use planks of approximately 6mm thickness. </div>
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While boss rivets are usually the most reliable indicator of board thickness, in the case of the Bidford-on-Avon 182 shield the iron of the rivets had 'rotted' away completely, leaving only the tin caps. Board studs seem to have occasionally been mounted on underlays of leather or even thin laths of wood, so are an unreliable measure of board thickness, and, besides, the shanks of these too were not extant with respect to the 182 find. We were, however, able to infer from hide "pseudomorphs" the shield's grip fragments (on the outer or back-side only) that it was unlikely the back of the shield had a hide layer. We estimated the board thickness from the curled-up remains of the grip-nails. Using the above formula, we obtained a figure of around 6mm for the thickness of the ash-planks.</div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCW0Dx_fnHzp3KDKvgcR_kuSW6D5OE1AGhhBKTTYO9zm7_osR6_k1AmoGAbbZIqwHnijHjgMAS9U2xPCWoMOVYh2JTC2NcIrzEJ9ko59XtvbSK5MuPrfnVqYOx8WAhm3lM4QUof-VWD4c/s1600/182+(5).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCW0Dx_fnHzp3KDKvgcR_kuSW6D5OE1AGhhBKTTYO9zm7_osR6_k1AmoGAbbZIqwHnijHjgMAS9U2xPCWoMOVYh2JTC2NcIrzEJ9ko59XtvbSK5MuPrfnVqYOx8WAhm3lM4QUof-VWD4c/s1600/182+(5).jpg" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Bidford-182 shield remains (Humphreys et. al., 1924) showing grip and clench-nails (right). </td></tr>
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According to analyses across a large sample early Anglo-Saxon shield-board thicknesses seem to cluster ( Härke and Dickinson, 1992), with 75% of the values falling between 6-8mm with a peak at 7mm and an overall average of 7.5mm. These figures correlate well with data from Continental shields from the Roman Iron Age through to the Viking Age. Obviously these thicknesses relate to the central portion of the shield. Where thickness at the edge can be inferred from distal features, thinning towards the edge is often indicated, and our board was shaped to reflect this. Overall board thickness looks to have been a matter of local preference and may have reflected the type of timber being used. It may well be that the use of ash - a heavier wood but with exceptional resistance to splitting, allowed the board to be thinned, whereas a shield constructed from very light poplar would have needed to be thicker. Our shield was constructed using 10 year-old ash-wood using planks approximately 12mm thick which we laboriously thinned to 6mm overall and a little less at the rim, roughly consistent with shields from neighboring graves in the cemetery (grave 33 and 207; at-rivet total thickness 8mm and 6mm respectively) and with contemporaneous shields from neighboring cemeteries (Härke and Dickinson, 1992). This was achieved by use of traditional tools including adzes, gauges and chisels, the tool-marks of which remain visible on the back of the board. It is interesting to note that the original excavation report from 1924 estimated the board thickness of the Bidford shields to be around ½inch!</div>
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<b>-Board Diameter</b><br />
Unfortunately, no Anglo-Saxon shield has yet been recovered intact from a bog or other waterlogged / anaerobic site but, using the scanty pictorial evidence (the Repton Stone, the Franks Casket etc.) and the increasing body of archaeological evidence, it is virtually certain that Anglo-Saxon shields were circular or roughly so. Evidence for the size of shield-boards, however, is often not forthcoming. Occasionally board size can be inferred, in undisturbed and very carefully excavated situations, from soil stains showing the outline of the long since rotted board, or else roughly inferred from the extent of uncommon long-type grips or by position of (again rare) edge clips. Attempts have sometimes been made to infer shield-size using grave position, though, as effectively argued by I.P Stephenson (2002) the huge variability of positioning of grave-goods in general makes this dubious at best. Most finds do not yield any satisfactory evidence from which shield-size can be inferred, thus forcing those seeking to reconstruct such finds to resort to educated guesses on the basis of similar finds and general typologies. Based on analysis of a sample of 23 early Anglo-Saxon shield burials where the board size could be inferred the following classification was developed ( Härke and Dickinson, 1992) which continues to inform reconstructions:-</div>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="color: #666666;"> Small (34 - 42cm. or 13-17 inches in diameter)<br /> Medium (45 - 66cm. or 18-26 inches in diameter)<br /> Large (70 - 92cm. or 27-36 inches in diameter)</span></blockquote>
Shield size seems to have correlated to some extent with age, with young individuals buried with smaller shields, and there is, further, a general trend towards slightly larger shields moving from the 6th into the 7th century (although this corresponds to the gradual phasing-out of weapon burials, beginning with the young, thus skewing the sample). Overall shields in the "Medium" category are most common, and, for the most part, such shields (particularly the upper end of this range) are of a sensible size for use by adults in combat. This is also true of the comparatively rarer shields in the "Large" range. However, shields in the "Small" range would have been of little use either in loose skirmishing combat or in a shield-wall. Rather than being functional objects, it seems that such shields were symbolic and scaled down to more easily fit into a typical grave-cut; the martial equivalent of the purely symbolic miniature combs and toilet-sets occasionally found in cremation burials. <br />
With the diameter of the Bidford-182 shield and others in the cemetery not known, settling on an appropriate size for the reconstructed board was difficult. In the end, taking into account the known sizes of shields in neighboring contemporaneous cemeteries including Stretton-on-Fosse-II, we settled on making the reconstructed board for Bidford-182 fit into the upper end of the "Medium" range. We sawed the planks for the shield to produce a board 68cm (27 inches) in diameter; a feasible size which seems in proportion with the boss and other fittings. The proposed user of the replica, who is 172cm tall finds this size of shield ideal. Interestingly, at Bidford, the mean stature of males was estimated to be 170cm (Humphreys<i> et. al</i>., 1924). Unfortunately, the height of the Grave 182 occupant is not noted in the excavation report.</div>
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The next task was to glue these together. This was achieved using hot, evil-smelling animal glue. Once dry, the resulting unions were unexpectedly strong, even though the ash planks were only 5-6mm thick. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjx6EPrRRUrRIbnl8a-GZVS-y9jRMPAY145cCUMsoPGMLA-4_AG_iDX2cRunUiQvfUif0lmxCv8lMZQskP6cdrNoju8ARe9Y7na02Dva5vVfVfDyYK983CKpqEikUDbM59aFdjgjtr6zI4/s1600/IMG_4922.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjx6EPrRRUrRIbnl8a-GZVS-y9jRMPAY145cCUMsoPGMLA-4_AG_iDX2cRunUiQvfUif0lmxCv8lMZQskP6cdrNoju8ARe9Y7na02Dva5vVfVfDyYK983CKpqEikUDbM59aFdjgjtr6zI4/s1600/IMG_4922.JPG" height="301" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Two of the shield planks glued together with animal glue</td></tr>
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<div>
Following some early preparations for the shield's edge (discussed later), the hide 'cover'; a single piece of 2mm thick veg-tan leather, cut to shape, was later applied to the front of the board, dry, with the same hot animal glue. Despite the fact that the front side of the board had been carved down, all around, at the edges (as previously discussed) the leather conformed to this slightly dished surface without any need for molding, and adhered firmly and neatly. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiW1jViFeZ8-qEBg7Y9OrkgwYDpp-sITLQQvERplPjb9MsLsZ1yVpgRn93IKW3qEvJefG0-8o7qrQnq6AKhtNUfEeM8YAGKsFqWiykImNvjd4ggznNTOh5oiPVvYkVMCwbi4xyjqtoPk6c/s1600/IMG_4946.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiW1jViFeZ8-qEBg7Y9OrkgwYDpp-sITLQQvERplPjb9MsLsZ1yVpgRn93IKW3qEvJefG0-8o7qrQnq6AKhtNUfEeM8YAGKsFqWiykImNvjd4ggznNTOh5oiPVvYkVMCwbi4xyjqtoPk6c/s1600/IMG_4946.JPG" height="312" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Front of the completed shield board with hot glue applied to the front, ready for the leather</td></tr>
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<b>The Grip (<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>Gripe</i></span>)</b></div>
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The function of the grip is to enable the shield to be held comfortably and enable it to be moved about efficiently. To that end, the aperture cut into the middle of the shield board needs to be of an appropriate size so as to easily accommodate the hand holding the grip and shaped so as to cause minimum discomfort (particularly to the dorsal surface of the hand) as the shield is moved about. <br />
Virtually all Anglo-Saxon shields had iron grips (with only one case of a bronze grip; Orpington 25) which<br />
range from short simple iron strips to longer, more complex handles. Medium length (5-20cm) and long length (30-40cm) iron grips are relatively rare, while the more typical 'short' grips vary from the simple to the complex. Härke and Dickinson (1992) classified these simpler shield-grips as:-<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="color: #666666;"> I - short grip (length 6-11cm.)<br /> (a) flat<br /> [i] with expanded terminals<br /> [ii] straight-sided / strap-like<br /> (b) flanged.</span></blockquote>
The short flat I(a) grip is really just a simple strip of iron pierced with a nail or rivet at each end. It is the most frequent type found (55%) in all English regions. </div>
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<br />
The Bidford-on-Avon 182 grip is clearly a Type I(a)(i). This type is found frequently in graves dating to the 5th-7th centuries associated with all types of boss. Boss Type 2’s -like the Bidford-on-Avon 182, are overwhelmingly associated with Grip I(a)(i).<br />
With previous shield reconstructions, we have avoided Type I(a) grips (preferring the more robust I(b) where the iron flanges are hammered around the wooden grip) as we had never been convinced of the mechanical strength of the design (particularly for a relatively heavy shield) where the whole weight of the shield rests on the strength of a thin flat strip of soft iron perhaps only 1½mm thick.</div>
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<br />
Traditionally, the Type I(a)(i) grips have been reconstructed with separate wooden components lashed to the iron. However, Härke and Dickinson (1992) note that some examples show evidence of the organic grip (wooden) component being continuous with the board planks. This design (Grip type D2) has obvious advantages in terms of strength and simplicity. Type D handles, according to Härke and Dickinson are also associated with higher than average burial-wealth (and thus status). They comment that this highlights their more difficult construction. We are not sure we can agree with this last statement, as it really was no more difficult to cut two small D-shaped holes leaving a continuous wooden bridge in the shape of the iron grip-plate than it would have been to cut a simple circular hole to be bridged with another piece of wood. It should be noted that the grip was placed slightly off-center, so as to allow slightly more room for the fleshy part of the hand. This design (described by IP Stephenson (2002) as the "Figure-of-eight or cottage-loaf type") is far more ergonomic than the "bridged circle" arrangement typically seen on replica Anglo-Saxon shields and has been identified both in Migration and Anglo-Saxon contexts (one of the Thorsberg shields, and the Winterbourne Gunner Grave 1 respectively). </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvOqEqxDpVRvatq8uiOVHPPx5pjmIUZ9-HVkn8D0iNgIoCOJYCqBhe5Cx_XsZM41xJMm17C9M5hmUN-V0ZFmNYVaGnj1lOtm54-JtWsrVS2NiPZGbGVFTUgpVTRN6WD_SHUbPzf60PFNM/s1600/IMG_5002.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvOqEqxDpVRvatq8uiOVHPPx5pjmIUZ9-HVkn8D0iNgIoCOJYCqBhe5Cx_XsZM41xJMm17C9M5hmUN-V0ZFmNYVaGnj1lOtm54-JtWsrVS2NiPZGbGVFTUgpVTRN6WD_SHUbPzf60PFNM/s1600/IMG_5002.JPG" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Thin iron type 1a(i) grip fixed in place on the reverse of the board with soft iron clench-nails</td></tr>
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<div>
Returning to Bidford-182, close examination of the original grip-plate showed it had been attached not by rivets but by clench-nails; the rusted remains of which were still present. The thin replica iron grip-plate, fashioned to the precise dimensions of the original, was thus fixed into place on our replica using soft iron nails. The handle was slightly carved, then bound tightly around with a strip of goatskin to produce a comfortable rounded grip, the latter being a feature observable on many type-I grips (Dickinson & Harke, 1992). We are now convinced that this is as good a design ergonomically as the flanged type, if constructed in this way.</div>
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<b>The Shield-Rim</b> (<b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">Lærig</span></i></b>) </div>
<div>
Before application of the shield cover, consideration had to be made for how the edge of the shield was to be completed. Most manuscript depictions of Anglo-Saxon shields show a discrete rim. What is not clear is what material the rim was made of. The highly atypical Sutton-Hoo shield had a copper-alloy rim but this is most unusual and there are few other good examples; one recorded instance (Grave G2 at Finglesham) of a rim made of iron strips was lost long ago and is not available for study (Härke and Dickinson, 1992). Certainly there were no remains of such a rim in the case of Bidford-182, so the edge of this shield, like most, must have been finished with organic materials. </div>
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Most <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">lærigas</span></i></b> must have been made from ordinary leather, cuir bouli or rawhide. We decided to opt for simple strips of leather which were attached by stitching. Holes were drilled in the board and smoothed (so as not to cut the thread) prior to addition of the cover, which, after addition was pierced using a diamond awl in the positions of the pre-drilled holes. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGD7QKV00FFijDGmVRU8hBYmEr0cWVLvOM372dG7970152IVLmnX0DFhA-XevPfDNCUI38O8C52I4MzEeghvaxVMG2pb75raalXZHoKqC5VOfYEMYPeS2_GjO-rv72oYJ7c4Jr8mSl9AE/s1600/IMG_4964.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGD7QKV00FFijDGmVRU8hBYmEr0cWVLvOM372dG7970152IVLmnX0DFhA-XevPfDNCUI38O8C52I4MzEeghvaxVMG2pb75raalXZHoKqC5VOfYEMYPeS2_GjO-rv72oYJ7c4Jr8mSl9AE/s1600/IMG_4964.JPG" height="640" width="476" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Reverse side of shield-board showing holes at the edge to allow stitching of the rim</td></tr>
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The edge strips were then added with stout waxed linen-thread using a two-needle saddle-stitch technique, tightly tying off every few stitches. Corroboration of this method of attachment comes by way of later Viking shield-boards which have been wonderfully preserved in wet, anaerobic conditions, and the 3rd century Roman shield from Dura Europos. Both of these have holes along the edge consistent with having had a leather rim attached by sewing (Stephenson, 2002).</div>
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<br />
<b>Fixing the Boss</b><br />
The next step was to attach the boss to the board. Although it is not unheard of for bosses to have been attached by means of clench-nails, bosses with extant fixings found at Bidford were attached by means of the (more typical) rivets. Custom-made large flat-headed iron rivets had been previously manufactured for us by Jason Green of Wieland Forge, with some deliberate inconsistency in rivet-head size to reflect the imprecision of the originals. The original boss had five large grey/silver coloured boss-rivets (of which only the caps remain) so we coated our iron ones with a thin layer of tin. The resultant effect was startlingly like the original. Appropriate holes were drilled into the board to match the five rivet-holes in the boss which had been made prior to the attachment of the animal-headed gilt appliqués. Once the correct length was ascertained, the rivets were cut to size and then peened over small iron roves. Special care was needed to avoid damaging the delicate gilded surfaces.</div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgeeqgSpGzfd5EMfhiqJTnB7Oef_VIQ6DPYm4pl-WWJ_QXNmvmxQCOCd82sV6SmXPwYUKgi2uXasF9SoEDFP4kWhv5eGhYIbj5XUIF6B4yDboSqfq6OWqaom2ynk9DMrW5WANCAuoj8mQ/s1600/IMG_5028.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgeeqgSpGzfd5EMfhiqJTnB7Oef_VIQ6DPYm4pl-WWJ_QXNmvmxQCOCd82sV6SmXPwYUKgi2uXasF9SoEDFP4kWhv5eGhYIbj5XUIF6B4yDboSqfq6OWqaom2ynk9DMrW5WANCAuoj8mQ/s1600/IMG_5028.JPG" height="270" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Reverse of the completed reconstruction, showing the five rivets peened on the iron roves</td></tr>
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<b>The Board Fittings</b><br />
The remaining task was to attach the two board-discs. These exceptional items had been the subject of some confusion, and were noted in the original excavation reports as silvered (Humphreys et. al., 1925); possibly the result of confusion with other disc-fittings found at the site, or else a result of the remains of the flakey gold layer not having been immediately obvious. Certainly at some point later the disc fittings were found to have not been silvered, but were in fact of gilded silver, such that Tania Dickinson in her cataloging of metallic shield fittings was forced to place them as "<i>d. non figural gilded mounts</i>" rather than the more natural "<i>a. circular studs and discs</i>" . </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiVqEH1hYZZX4ovQ1La6_wakgXIhubFdIUMLDycILd2MayOhUcLIaPdgufiUROb8V5qjiQo6OOo08MEwdVJLLf98g2wUDXVsuVHIwbUtjvF0pTow9_STvNQBLTrxpErvOWAco-9QEUzqE/s1600/IMG_2992.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiVqEH1hYZZX4ovQ1La6_wakgXIhubFdIUMLDycILd2MayOhUcLIaPdgufiUROb8V5qjiQo6OOo08MEwdVJLLf98g2wUDXVsuVHIwbUtjvF0pTow9_STvNQBLTrxpErvOWAco-9QEUzqE/s1600/IMG_2992.JPG" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Replica of a c6th shield from Butlers Field, Lechlade (Corineum Museum) showing pairing of silver disc fittings</td></tr>
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<div>
Paired discs like this are the most common type of English shield-board fitting, although most are of iron. A few are of copper-alloy, while fewer still are silvered. Gold-covered fittings are exceptional. <br />
Most of these discs are between 20-40 mm in diameter, with rare ones reaching as much as 80mm. Usually regarded as purely decorative, the highly visible discs may well have had a proto-heraldic function, identifying the shield-wielder in the confusion of battle. It is further possible that these gilded discs might in some way tie in with the imagery of the shield, discussed in the previous article. </div>
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<br />
Our 3cm diameter discs were made specially for us by Danegeld, with highly reflective gilded surfaces. Clear evidence indicating the position of these fittings on the board was not available. However, a picture of a grave with finds in situ from the first Bidford-on-Avon excavation report (Humphreys et. al. 1923) provided valuable insights, clearly showing similar disc fittings arranged on opposite sides of the central boss. This is easily the most "obvious" choice for arrangement of such fittings on a circular board and although arrangements varied (often with two pairs on opposite sides of the board, particularly in the Upper Thames region) the arrangement photographed (likely grave 33), symmetrical and pleasing to the eye, is not an uncommon one. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipKwEImWH2F1U3LxmNTHn9LNmCQ-67vq7axMgCGyqsOpxwvnL7NDAjCizcX_lMN-fmRF5umukn0hvv0yFtDJDrqThyphenhyphenygTQan_chx4LXiQR2-pKWnUX6QFHcUK110lwp6QHm2tEPf5jL2Y/s1600/1518126_10201859409069172_1000262398_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipKwEImWH2F1U3LxmNTHn9LNmCQ-67vq7axMgCGyqsOpxwvnL7NDAjCizcX_lMN-fmRF5umukn0hvv0yFtDJDrqThyphenhyphenygTQan_chx4LXiQR2-pKWnUX6QFHcUK110lwp6QHm2tEPf5jL2Y/s1600/1518126_10201859409069172_1000262398_n.jpg" height="640" width="380" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Undisturbed warrior grave at Bidford- possibly 33 (Humphreys et. al., 1923) showing disc fittings in situ </td></tr>
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In the absence of better evidence pertaining to grave 182, we installed the discs in the same arrangement as grave 33, each approximately mid-way between the boss-flange and the shield edge. For peace of mind these valuable components were secured in place by means of riveting each over a small copper-alloy rove.<br />
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<b>Polishing and Finishing</b></div>
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It would be hard to imagine a valuable shield suffering exposure to the ever-changing conditions of a campaign without some kind of surface treatment. The precise treatments used to both "polish" and weather-proof items such as shields are not known, but the application of natural oils and waxes to feed and waterproof the leather would have been a sensible, if not crucial precaution to take.<br />
The leather of the shield was treated by vigorous application of our home-made leather-polish; a mixture of beeswax and linseed oil. Both ingredients would have been fairly expensive in Anglo-Saxon times but fairly available. After some considerable work, a warm rich tan colour was achieved (becoming warmer over time) and the surface became somewhat scratch-resistant.<br />
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">Conclusion</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b><br /></b></span>The result of almost two years of research and preparation in addition to significant amounts of ‘blood and treasure’, the Bidford-on-Avon 182 reconstruction is, we believe, a good attempt to show how this shield may have appeared when it was placed in the ground with its owner so long ago. </div>
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While many (perhaps most) early Anglo-Saxon shields would have the rear face covered with leather; we have kept the ash-wood planking bare of covering so that the four plank construction can be seen, along with wonderfully tactile surface produced by the hours of tooling.</div>
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The original may well have had padding inside and around the hand-hole but again we have left this open so that the board thickness and handle construction are more obvious. This shield is not meant, as the original was for violent conflict but as a teaching aid. The symbology of the boss decoration will, no doubt, induce speculation regarding its solar/lunar associations but, as with so many early English decorative motifs, we can only speculate; for we are most unlikely to ever know for sure what these images meant to their pagan audience.<br />
We learned a great deal through the process of this reconstruction, but perhaps the greatest lesson was of the importance of a close and personal examination of the original find prior to starting a reconstruction. Photographs and descriptions are good but nothing beats the ability of the trained eye to interpret subtle features on a piece of rusty old iron!<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
“<span style="color: #783f04;"><b><i>Let every eye negotiate for itself and trust no agent.</i></b>"</span> -William Shakespeare</blockquote>
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">Acknowledgments</span></b><br />
<br />
The Shakespeare Birthplace Trust: Collections Department, without who's kind help this reconstruction would not have been possible.<br />
<br />
Jason Green of http://www.wielandforge.co.uk/ <br />
<br />
George Easton of http://www.danegeld.co.uk/<br />
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<b><span style="font-size: large;">References</span></b><br />
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<br /></div>
<div>
Bullock, H. Baldwin, A., Hood, J., Fern, C., Cartwright, C., Lang, J., Wang, Q. (2011) Evidence for shield construction from the Anglo-Saxon cemetery site of Tranmer House, Bromeswell, Suffolk. The British Museum Research Bulletin (Volume 5). </div>
<br />
Dickinson, T. M., & Härke, H. (1992). Early Anglo-Saxon Shields (Vol. 110). Society of Antiquaries of London.<br />
<br />
Dickinson, T. M., & Härke, H. (1992). II: Typology of Metal Shield Fittings.Archaeologia (Second Series), 110, 4-30.<br />
<br />
Dickinson, T. M. (2005). Symbols of protection: the significance of animal-ornamented shields in early Anglo-Saxon England. Medieval Archaeology,49(1), 109-163.<br />
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Humphreys, J., Ryland, J. W., Barnard, E. A. B., Wellstood, F. C., & Barnett, T. G. (1923). V.—An Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Bidford-on-Avon, Warwickshire.Archaeologia (Second Series), 73, 89-116.<br />
<br />
Humphreys, J., Ryland, J. W., Wellstood, F. C., Barnard, E. A. B., & Barnett, T. G. (1925). XII.—An Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Bidford-on-Avon, Warwickshire: Second Report on the Excavations. Archaeologia (Second Series), 74, 271-288.<br />
<br />
Rackham, O. (2006). Woodlands (Vol. 284). London: Collins.<br />
<br /></div>
</div>
<div>
Stephenson, I. P. (2002). The Anglo-Saxon Shield. Tempus.</div>
Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-66765535327117045372014-07-20T17:00:00.000+01:002014-07-29T13:11:20.368+01:00The Shield from Bidford-on-Avon Grave 182 (1/2)<b><span style="font-size: large;">The Shield from Bidford-on-Avon Grave 182 (Part 1) </span></b><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0bpdl2_O1erw6cyJ9Rrk55CsjpVSxNU5EVUzqXL5vPDEKStDjwlSxDwo111f58ZN_UN0xcZ65ceQ7_WGCa4fVlzNn6ZKPvrfeyDTjFanXyz9R9Ck-ktjxfSqSYCs4XIy-svIVIqw_wdA/s1600/IMG_3343.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0bpdl2_O1erw6cyJ9Rrk55CsjpVSxNU5EVUzqXL5vPDEKStDjwlSxDwo111f58ZN_UN0xcZ65ceQ7_WGCa4fVlzNn6ZKPvrfeyDTjFanXyz9R9Ck-ktjxfSqSYCs4XIy-svIVIqw_wdA/s1600/IMG_3343.jpg" height="240" width="320" /></a>While some of the Early Anglo-Saxon kingdoms have yielded much archaeology, and continue to yield extensive cemeteries and settlement sites for study, others are arguably less well served. The ancient kingdom of Mercia - of particular interest to our group, could in many ways be seen as such a case, and this presents a particular challenge when attempting to recreate the effects of this purportedly powerful, wealthy and sophisticated culture. Beyond the Staffordshire Hoard (itself mostly belonging to the mid-late 7th century and containing a very selective subset of items), at a glance one might be forgiven for thinking the Midlands lacked much in the way of early Anglo-Saxon archaeology.<br />
<br />
In fact, there are a handful of archaeological sites which have yielded impressive finds, which are relevant to the earliest times of the Mercian kingdom - it is just that many were excavated in the early days of Anglo-Saxon archaeology, and their finds forgotten, lost, or hidden from view. <br />
<br />
One such case; the large cemetery of Bidford-upon-Avon, Warwickshire, initially excavated between 1923 and 1924 (Humphreys et. al., 1925) sheds valuable light on early Anglo-Saxon Mercia and has yielded many impressive finds, including a great quantity of feminine items of decidedly Anglian (rather than Saxon) affinities, including one of the most impressive square-headed brooches ever found. Among a number of warrior graves, the most impressive item, however, was a shield-boss decorated in such a way as to make it entirely exceptional, artistically, and of a status (within the British Isles) second perhaps only to the kingly shield of Sutton-Hoo Mound 1.<br />
<br />
The impressive shield-boss from Bidford-on-Avon grave 182 is not on public display, residing with the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust. To raise awareness of this find and explore what this piece of warrior gear may have looked like in its day, in 2012 we embarked on a lengthy process to reconstruct the shield, using authentic materials and techniques.<br />
<br />
<b><span style="color: #7f6000;">Nb. we are greatly indebted to the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust Collections Department, without who's help we could not have pieced together the story of the find. Examination of the original fragments in spring 2014, in particular, was crucial to achieving a representative reconstruction. </span></b><br />
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<b>Background</b><br />
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Bidford-on-Avon, and its Anglo-Saxon sites sit in a fascinating position, on the north bank of the Avon close to the ford where the Roman road of Ickneild / Ryknild Street crossed the river, making its way north to join Watling Street at Letocetum (Wall) near modern Lichfield; the heartland of Mercia (Naylor & Richards, 2010).</div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-exZzcb0DZNEE6TmuVCcsC8-B5yR_XPa0iZV6_mcySMtnsaKSXy_8SGIUhH88MBL3CU5miMEhJ1nklroeX_e5qPFkMz3s5BqakIRqNpKFKOQar_O8TFNOQe4QqWi2U-F6HGv5VTf_Yos/s1600/IMG_4620.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj-exZzcb0DZNEE6TmuVCcsC8-B5yR_XPa0iZV6_mcySMtnsaKSXy_8SGIUhH88MBL3CU5miMEhJ1nklroeX_e5qPFkMz3s5BqakIRqNpKFKOQar_O8TFNOQe4QqWi2U-F6HGv5VTf_Yos/s1600/IMG_4620.JPG" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Bidford-on-Avon - south bank, looking across the river Avon, north, towards the Anglo Saxon cemetery site. </td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjII5R-WcAJ0giZ2UelRtxzMMbneZeNr59SnzLAb6GrPw34oGSgCznFEyUXxqfIyM4e-rQCXY_IW5vqu7Hc1QI6jnoLyUdmQSsrF7zIQ851h-1SJEmq_WIzGuG3IRXR6FbElBNvNjTuO3k/s1600/IMG_4621.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjII5R-WcAJ0giZ2UelRtxzMMbneZeNr59SnzLAb6GrPw34oGSgCznFEyUXxqfIyM4e-rQCXY_IW5vqu7Hc1QI6jnoLyUdmQSsrF7zIQ851h-1SJEmq_WIzGuG3IRXR6FbElBNvNjTuO3k/s1600/IMG_4621.JPG" height="261" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Map of Bidford-on-Avon showing Anglo-Saxon cemetery in relation to other archaeological features. (<b>Click to expand</b>)</td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://creativecloudfix.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/img_2769.jpg?w=538&h=403" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://creativecloudfix.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/img_2769.jpg?w=538&h=403" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Map from ‘The West Midlands in the Early Middle Ages’ by Gelling, M. (1992) </td></tr>
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Looking south from Bidford lies the Cotswolds where Anglian influence in cemetery material gradually falls away towards the Saxon-dominated Upper Thames Valley region. The historic course of the Avon likely represented an important boundary between early Mercia and Hwicce, and there is ample reason to believe that the historic settlement at Bidford was a strategically and economically important location in the 6th and early 7th centuries, controlling the crossing point of the river and traffic along the ancient way. While inferring political allegiances in such ‘border country’ is fraught with difficulty, the balance of material produced at Bidford is of considerably more “Anglian” flavour than finds from similar cemeteries to the south, and, importantly, with the site lying on the north bank of the Avon, it is reasonable to infer that it may have belonged to an early Mercian sphere of influence long before the conquest of Hwicce in the early 7th century. <br />
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The area of Bidford appears to have been continuously settled from the Iron Age, with much archaeology dating to the Roman period. However, the Anglo-Saxon cemetery (situated beneath a car-park in the modern town, on the north bank) is of considerable interest, containing around 320 burials (200 inhumations and around 120 cremations) (Naylor & Richards, 2010); the largest in the Avon valley and among the largest in the Midlands. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZbBj3e1luYW42rfeui9DD9ya6ybu81SoZOsOVk-KgybRFi0Iv4NhXC6SnESEGCqCQ3eZxQpWVL1Qdv8mvZGYG5xUtF7Gk58p_XZF6tlzBK9Q5jlJ7PPOCyomhvi80cND6so3R1K8Gh6g/s1600/IMG_4594.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZbBj3e1luYW42rfeui9DD9ya6ybu81SoZOsOVk-KgybRFi0Iv4NhXC6SnESEGCqCQ3eZxQpWVL1Qdv8mvZGYG5xUtF7Gk58p_XZF6tlzBK9Q5jlJ7PPOCyomhvi80cND6so3R1K8Gh6g/s1600/IMG_4594.JPG" height="640" width="444" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">6th century gilded Anglian square-headed brooch from Bidford-on-Avon (1990s excavation), Warwickshire Museum. </td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgiekoTCvfHtYd9VkN6vbR7WpGni1e2BubucLlJ8fVqQFQYB3zttyMt5tZQyVu3HvADCtg7FJsS8N_iL-MyxN4lMIQ5lg-PCFSXjrf77qg1jWVgx5lNGnQowYNiLrz3xqH_G2od95dRtn0/s1600/IMG_4589b.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgiekoTCvfHtYd9VkN6vbR7WpGni1e2BubucLlJ8fVqQFQYB3zttyMt5tZQyVu3HvADCtg7FJsS8N_iL-MyxN4lMIQ5lg-PCFSXjrf77qg1jWVgx5lNGnQowYNiLrz3xqH_G2od95dRtn0/s1600/IMG_4589b.JPG" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Anglo-Saxon female burial display, Warwickshire Museum, showing skeletal remains and finds from Bidford-on-Avon. </td></tr>
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While some excavations (within the scope of “rescue archaeology”) took place in the 1990s (finds now on display at Warwickshire Museum), arguably the most impressive material was excavated during the 1920s, with the collection of finds now in the keeping of the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust. </div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgqjFSVwsw6imy3bR-gbxfd95Iv9VBEVVf9xcpIltyLRfawWO-qm_BIaueL-o-QvPECDqh2-zZBgRVXozvmkq_lYWyOx2x1SeDlAQNOkcW0OVxLpj3S4ew5gx-IUmgACZ8xZrD2kLhwhXs/s1600/img_2712+(1).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgqjFSVwsw6imy3bR-gbxfd95Iv9VBEVVf9xcpIltyLRfawWO-qm_BIaueL-o-QvPECDqh2-zZBgRVXozvmkq_lYWyOx2x1SeDlAQNOkcW0OVxLpj3S4ew5gx-IUmgACZ8xZrD2kLhwhXs/s1600/img_2712+(1).jpg" height="640" width="480" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Great square-headed brooch from Bidford-on-Avon (1920s excavations), Shakespeare Birthplace Trust (<a href="https://creativecloudfix.wordpress.com/2012/10/21/into-the-archives/#more-1093" target="_blank">Image Source</a>) </td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://creativecloudfix.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/img_2702-e1350736755672.jpg?w=538&h=403" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://creativecloudfix.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/img_2702-e1350736755672.jpg?w=538&h=403" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">One of many pairs of small-long brooches from Bidford-on-Avon (1920s excavations), Shakespeare Birthplace Trust (<a href="https://creativecloudfix.wordpress.com/2012/10/21/into-the-archives/#more-1093" target="_blank">Image Source</a>) </td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://creativecloudfix.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/img_2701-e1350737274926.jpg?w=538&h=403" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://creativecloudfix.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/img_2701-e1350737274926.jpg?w=538&h=403" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">One of many pairs of gilded saucer brooches from Bidford-on-Avon (1920s excavations), SBT. (<a href="https://creativecloudfix.wordpress.com/2012/10/21/into-the-archives/#more-1093" target="_blank">Image Source</a>) </td></tr>
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Most significant among these finds are many elaborate feminine brooches of various styles (see above), including many examples of Salin Style-I decorated gilded copper-alloy square-headed brooches of characteristically Anglian rather than Saxon affinities (Humphreys et. al., 1923). Although not of particular interest at the time of excavation, the warrior burials of the cemetery produced a number of notable finds including an array of spears and shields, and among these burials the goods from grave-182 are most spectacular;<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
“<span style="color: #999999;">In uncovering this grave we first found at a depth of only 2ft.3in. a fine large bronze bowl in a wonderful state of preservation (…) beaten out of a single sheet of bronze (…). Some few inches deeper we came across the remains of a skull stained green from the bronze bowl above it. The body proved to be rich in grave furniture. In addition to the bronze bowl it was furnished with an iron knife on the waist, an iron spear-head at the left shoulder and over the left elbow were the remains of a shield, including the umbo (…).</span>” (Humphreys et. al., 1925)</blockquote>
For reasons to be discussed, J. Humphreys described the shield remains from this grave as “the gem of the collection” representing the “artistic skill and wonderful craftsmanship of our Anglo-Saxon forebears” (Humphreys et. al, 1925). Despite the great discoveries in early Anglo-Saxon archaeology that took place in the century following its excavation, and despite sitting out of sight and out of mind for much of that time, the shield remains from Bidford-on-Avon grave 182 remain hugely impressive and without many adequate parallels. <br />
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<b>What’s so special about this shield?</b><br />
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The iron boss itself is a large-buttoned example of Harke-Dickinson type 2 featuring a low, concave wall, broad flange, and shallow cone; a popular style, particularly across Anglian regions in the 6th century (Dickinson & Härke, 1992) . The boss is greatly supplemented, however, with gilded copper-alloy appliques which raise the item from a sturdy piece of smithcraft to work of art.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtRhPh-WwjXMq4ZpbaFZd-rYxjIa3Na1kD3j2cvs8rxZfIPfukg1CdhWUtRYmLg75tfIAm9I1Fk4GdFaXDZo9Ray2IUuTv9jKpRt9qw7_uVoVuOyr5itov8sebgm0eD7P4Wzse5f5gNAg/s1600/img_2771.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtRhPh-WwjXMq4ZpbaFZd-rYxjIa3Na1kD3j2cvs8rxZfIPfukg1CdhWUtRYmLg75tfIAm9I1Fk4GdFaXDZo9Ray2IUuTv9jKpRt9qw7_uVoVuOyr5itov8sebgm0eD7P4Wzse5f5gNAg/s1600/img_2771.jpg" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Shield remains from Bidford-on-Avon grave 182 showing decorated shield boss (left). (Humphreys et. al., 1925)</td></tr>
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The first of these appliqués; a decorative disc affixed by solder to the apex button, is unusually large and sturdily cast. Around it, a frieze of Salin style-I beasts form a ring, within which sits a central “sun-like” motif.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlXVVZ2Gm9TANqABjtR0QKCn4J-tgq3DvnUhtsZ-q3BmNGw3N1WKuH7R9r56XXi_TuNR713LfxWAC70d87MXEnnUFuE7wd485Zj9kecPGIciChuWgD4KvWI-ZUcWXLuYb-pBGqST5Gcl4/s1600/182+(7).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlXVVZ2Gm9TANqABjtR0QKCn4J-tgq3DvnUhtsZ-q3BmNGw3N1WKuH7R9r56XXi_TuNR713LfxWAC70d87MXEnnUFuE7wd485Zj9kecPGIciChuWgD4KvWI-ZUcWXLuYb-pBGqST5Gcl4/s1600/182+(7).jpg" height="282" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Sketch of Salin style I frieze from the Bidford-182 apex disc, showing distinct 'beast men'. (Dickinson, 2005)</td></tr>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMz7AboDwJeqeXXh_XTfmkiogS6GsWbG8ncjMCS-FHwaDlhWUIQjk5vYDyczBm79ET82obONy-tmhSdfWrtZXJhBWKlSX8v89oKyy8uA4PZS9RlRz1T9GxDhKuYjlQQDMICO4fXby8i-U/s1600/182+(9).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMz7AboDwJeqeXXh_XTfmkiogS6GsWbG8ncjMCS-FHwaDlhWUIQjk5vYDyczBm79ET82obONy-tmhSdfWrtZXJhBWKlSX8v89oKyy8uA4PZS9RlRz1T9GxDhKuYjlQQDMICO4fXby8i-U/s1600/182+(9).jpg" height="320" width="292" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Gilded copper-alloy shield-boss decoration from Bidford grave 182. (Dickinson, 2005)</td></tr>
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The Style-I motifs are not dissimilar from the great square-headed brooch from a neighbouring grave and may have been the work of the same craftsman. The beasts, difficult for the eye to initially pick out, are described vividly by Tania Dickinson in the following terms;</div>
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“<span style="color: #999999;">[The Disc from Bidford 182] clearly depicts three anticlockwise animal-men repeated almost exactly to make a frieze of six. Animal 1 is head alone (protome); either a human with a plumed headdress or a bird with a coiled beak. Animals 2 and 3 are single-limbed; the former’s leg appears to pass through its transverse body-block (unless that is merely a over-large anklet); the latter’s head has a bird-like beak in a bold, transversely ribbed neck-collar.</span>” (Dickinson, 2005).</blockquote>
The central motif has not been discussed, and could be dismissed as simple space-filling. However, startlingly similar motifs feature on the more elaborate of the Taplow drinking horns (late 6th to early 7th century) and occasionally pop up in Roman contexts too. Particularly in the case of the Bidford disc, the resemblance to rudimentary depictions of the sun is hard to dismiss. The tentative identification of this central motif as a solar symbol ties in well with theories concerning the meaning of other artistic elements of the boss discussed below.<br />
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Decorative apex discs appear more frequently in Anglian contexts, and though this disc is one of the largest, it is not this detail which makes the find stand out: The boss flange (featuring five tin-capped rivets) is supplemented with five fascinating gilded cast copper-alloy decorative plates fixed by means of small rivets. These plates, consisting of a central lozenge containing an interlace motif, beset by two outward-facing beast heads (“back to back”), have few adequate artistic parallels. The beast heads themselves are unusual in style and for a long time defied classification. Various details including the positioning and shape of the eyes, and the curling tips of the jaws, however, bear close resemblance to type-specimens such as the Danish Gummersmark Brooch, therefore placing these into Haselhoff’s phase A of Salin Style I art, with a confidently 6th century date (Dickinson, 2005).<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhZS3u17YRiG20FlULDWvpeV3BPUY_-ZlDJQdidmomLxstYq5_897G85OlEhO6w-FT2RS3tb4qHWRcBIhEY86aIYtY_Bn8KJmq8kOkBR__1b-Z6FNDhAOZFOCWf816shzUybZsMQ-8N3j4/s1600/gummersmark+brooch+middle.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhZS3u17YRiG20FlULDWvpeV3BPUY_-ZlDJQdidmomLxstYq5_897G85OlEhO6w-FT2RS3tb4qHWRcBIhEY86aIYtY_Bn8KJmq8kOkBR__1b-Z6FNDhAOZFOCWf816shzUybZsMQ-8N3j4/s1600/gummersmark+brooch+middle.png" height="225" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Middle section of the 6th century Danish Gummersmark Brooch, showing characteristic Haselhoff Phase A elements. Curling mouths of the beasts, eye shape and vertical collars correspond with the Bidford-182 flange appliques. </td></tr>
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It is important to stress the rarity of shield-boss decoration beyond the apex button, which has been found in only two other English examples; Eriswell 104 and Sutton-Hoo Mound 1. The flange decoration of Bidford 182 is, however, quite distinct from these in terms of style, with gilded copper alloy zoomorphic appliqués and non-figural silvery rivet-heads coming together to make a continuous ring-frieze to some extent emulating that of the disc.<br />
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The board was further adorned with a pair of decorative disc fittings. Though such fittings are fairly common on shields of the 6th century, particularly in the neighbouring upper Thames valley region, they are typically of tinned or silvered iron. This is true at Bidford too, in the case of other shield finds, but the shield from grave 182 is notably different, with modestly sized <b>gilded</b> discs, such that Dickinson was forced to classify them as “non-figural gilded mounts” (Dickinson & Härke, 1992). This highly unusual feature, together with the decoration of the boss sets this shield far apart from others, and it is interesting to speculate what, if anything, such distinctive features may have originally signified. <br />
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<b>Reading the Art</b></div>
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Inferring meaning from early Anglo-Saxon art is notoriously difficult, although there is reason to believe that, often, personal art would have been designed with symbolism in mind, with motifs relating to elements of storytelling tradition and mythology.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/51/The_Wolves_Pursuing_Sol_and_Mani.jpg/1920px-The_Wolves_Pursuing_Sol_and_Mani.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/51/The_Wolves_Pursuing_Sol_and_Mani.jpg/1920px-The_Wolves_Pursuing_Sol_and_Mani.jpg" height="216" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The Wolves pursuing Sol and Mani (J.C.Dollman, 1909)</td></tr>
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The Bidford-182 boss challenges commentary, with the highly stylized beast-heads defying identification even of the animal being represented. Certainly, the overall effect is one of pursuit; shining discs beset by shimmering beasts with gaping mouths, while smaller animals dance around a central solar symbol. With the scarcity of preserved pre-Christian Germanic mythology, the nearest parallels are quite far flung. The overall impression best fits that of Sköll and Hati of Norse mythology; great wolves doomed to chase the sun and moon across the sky until, at Ragnarök, they will finally catch up and devour both. We have no concrete evidence that a variant of this apocalypse story was told among pagan Anglo-Saxons, nor that the tale (or in particular, this aspect of it, which appears only in one version, in the Prose Edda) dates back further than the 10th century. Nevertheless, the notion of a great beast devouring the sun is a simple type of ancient “eclipse myth” common to many cultures, so perhaps it is this that we see cryptically depicted on the flange of the boss from Bidford.<br />
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Although exploring the meaning of these pieces of ornamentation to their original designer or owner(s) is necessarily an exercise in informed speculation, we can be rather more certain about what these items mean for our understanding of the individual with whom they were buried. Style-I animal ornamentation (usually with precious metal surface treatments) is an uncommon feature of shields of the 6th century, and it has been noted that shields bearing such features are more commonly associated with other high status grave-goods (such as swords or ornate vessels) (Dickinson, 2005). The inclusion of the sophisticated work of skilled artisans, working in precious metals, on a usually utilitarian object would have been a highly visual statement of wealth and importance. The array of goods as a whole (including spear, knife, unique decorated shield, and valuable bronze cauldron) is the richest of any male in the cemetery and illustrates the importance of the individual buried with them, who may have, at the very least, been a leader among the community. Such goods do not (as is occasionally erroneously implied) represent the sum total of the possessions or wealth of the deceased, but what the living could afford and justify sacrificing as a mark of respect and devotion. A man who owned nothing but a shield, spear, knife and cauldron would not have been especially wealthy, but a man buried with such items must have been respected and wealthy indeed.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtcnJPp19DuNHS4GIR-HxrTewHNskX6b4oAJSFJASjl-wPQqE2Jmfr0OH3E886aE7AYk-ViMdfduIIA_S5LEjjAFO6QG0XUQ_quWDyPM72DwSAddEfZvcnSeGMFc2tNM01TgXux1lNN3c/s1600/IMG_5137.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtcnJPp19DuNHS4GIR-HxrTewHNskX6b4oAJSFJASjl-wPQqE2Jmfr0OH3E886aE7AYk-ViMdfduIIA_S5LEjjAFO6QG0XUQ_quWDyPM72DwSAddEfZvcnSeGMFc2tNM01TgXux1lNN3c/s1600/IMG_5137.JPG" height="343" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Beaten bronze cauldron from Bidford-on-Avon grave 182</td></tr>
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Meaning aside, the decorative features of the shield boss appear to have been valued as heirlooms, with the flange-appliqués showing evidence of having been re-fitted on at least one occasion, with the integral rivets carefully filed down and replaced with rivets running through holes punched at the mouths of the beasts (Humphreys et. al., 1925). Marks from filing of old solder on the back of the apex-disc further suggest that this, too, was refitted, and may have originally sat on another boss altogether.<br />
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Such cases (where items have remained in use for a long time, or have been altered in antiquity) represent a challenge for reconstruction, as finds can only be replicated with a particular moment in time in mind. After much discussion we settled on attempting to replicate the shield as it would have been when deposited in the grave, thereby allowing us to make maximal use of evidence from the grave, and keeping speculative elements to a minimum.<br />
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<b>The Challenge</b><br />
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Reconstructing this impressive high-status early shield was always going to be a challenge. Having been excavated in 1924, the find was not subject to modern analytical techniques or conservation and despite the admirable efforts of its most recent keepers (the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust) has survived the last 90 years rather more poorly than it had survived the previous 1300. By far the greatest challenge of this project has therefore been piecing together evidence from various rare sources, tracing the finds themselves, and making appropriately conservative and well-reasoned choices for details of the reconstruction where available evidence was not forthcoming (particularly with respect to organic elements), usually instead being informed by the precedent set by other contemporaneous finds. As far as possible however, our reconstruction has been informed by inferences from personal examination of the finds themselves, kindly facilitated by the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0bpdl2_O1erw6cyJ9Rrk55CsjpVSxNU5EVUzqXL5vPDEKStDjwlSxDwo111f58ZN_UN0xcZ65ceQ7_WGCa4fVlzNn6ZKPvrfeyDTjFanXyz9R9Ck-ktjxfSqSYCs4XIy-svIVIqw_wdA/s1600/IMG_3343.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0bpdl2_O1erw6cyJ9Rrk55CsjpVSxNU5EVUzqXL5vPDEKStDjwlSxDwo111f58ZN_UN0xcZ65ceQ7_WGCa4fVlzNn6ZKPvrfeyDTjFanXyz9R9Ck-ktjxfSqSYCs4XIy-svIVIqw_wdA/s1600/IMG_3343.jpg" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Glimpse of elements of the reconstruction of the shield from Bidford 182.</td></tr>
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The result, we hope, provides a convincing impression of what this unique shield may have looked like at the time it was deposited in the grave, with organic components representative of early Anglo-Saxon shields in general. We hope, further, that this functional reconstruction will help shed new light on the long forgotten find, allow the story of the find to be told, and allow greater appreciation of the skilled craftspeople who built the original. <br />
<br />
<span style="color: blue;"><a href="http://www.thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2014/07/the-shield-from-bidford-on-avon-grave.html" target="_blank">The process of reconstructing this magnificent find is discussed in <b>part 2 </b></a></span>.<br />
<br />
<br />
<b>Acknowledgements</b><br />
Shakespeare Birthplace Trust - collections department, who provided crucial information and kindly allowed us access to the original remains.<br />
<br />
<b>References</b></div>
<div>
<br />
Bullock, H. Baldwin, A., Hood, J., Fern, C., Cartwright, C., Lang, J., Wang, Q. (2011) Evidence for shield construction from the Anglo-Saxon cemetery site of Tranmer House, Bromeswell, Suffolk. The British Museum Research Bulletin (Volume 5).<br />
<br />
Dickinson, T. M., & Härke, H. (1992). Early Anglo-Saxon Shields (Vol. 110). Society of Antiquaries of London.<br />
<br />
Dickinson, T. M., & Härke, H. (1992). II: Typology of Metal Shield Fittings.Archaeologia (Second Series), 110, 4-30.<br />
<br />
Dickinson, T. M. (2005). Symbols of protection: the significance of animal-ornamented shields in early Anglo-Saxon England. Medieval Archaeology,49(1), 109-163.<br />
<br />
Haseloff, G. (1981). Die germanische Tierornamentik der Völkerwanderungszeit. Studien zur Salin’s Stil I.<br />
<br />
Humphreys, J., Ryland, J. W., Barnard, E. A. B., Wellstood, F. C., & Barnett, T. G. (1923). V.—An Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Bidford-on-Avon, Warwickshire.Archaeologia (Second Series), 73, 89-116.</div>
<div>
<br />
Humphreys, J., Ryland, J. W., Wellstood, F. C., Barnard, E. A. B., & Barnett, T. G. (1925). XII.—An Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Bidford-on-Avon, Warwickshire: Second Report on the Excavations. Archaeologia (Second Series), 74, 271-288.<br />
<br />
Richards, J. D., & Naylor, J. (2010). A'Productive Site'at Bidford-on-Avon, Warwickshire: salt, communication and trade in Anglo-Saxon England. In A Decade of Discovery: Proceedings of the Portable Antiquities Scheme Conference 2007 (No. 520, pp. 193-200). Archaeopress.</div>
Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-92171298451750894452014-05-31T19:46:00.000+01:002014-05-31T20:06:24.626+01:00Tolkien's Beowulf translation - review<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><span style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><a href="https://www.google.co.uk/search?q=%E2%80%9CBeowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien%E2%80%9D&rlz=1C1CHFX_en-GBGB558GB558&oq=%E2%80%9CBeowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien%E2%80%9D&aqs=chrome..69i57.114112j0j7&sourceid=chrome&es_sm=93&ie=UTF-8#q=Beowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien&safe=off&tbm=shop" target="_blank"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEip28ZcMJgIypPCoirrgmn0LmUQV8vx6bjW4oeLILGC2j7Vd_U711XHDkr7Sldtv3RRhKE4uK26Xv4XcSIm2G-9W5fb3DODsRIidnaYrCq_tsWq-mPSx1aIuREY_QF4er20Y9PLKVYk0-I/s1600/packshot.png" height="320" width="217" /></a></span></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.google.co.uk/search?q=%E2%80%9CBeowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien%E2%80%9D&rlz=1C1CHFX_en-GBGB558GB558&oq=%E2%80%9CBeowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien%E2%80%9D&aqs=chrome..69i57.114112j0j7&sourceid=chrome&es_sm=93&ie=UTF-8#q=Beowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien&safe=off&tbm=shop" target="_blank">Cover (reproduced under fair-dealing; criticism and review)</a></td></tr>
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<h2 style="color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif;">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-size: large;">“Beowulf: A Translation and Commentary by J.R.R. Tolkien”</span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span></span></h2>
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<b style="background-color: white;">A Review by Dr A.J. Thompson</b></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">This book (<a href="https://www.google.co.uk/search?q=%E2%80%9CBeowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien%E2%80%9D&rlz=1C1CHFX_en-GBGB558GB558&oq=%E2%80%9CBeowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien%E2%80%9D&aqs=chrome..69i57.114112j0j7&sourceid=chrome&es_sm=93&ie=UTF-8#q=Beowulf%3A+A+Translation+and+Commentary+by+J.R.R.+Tolkien&safe=off&tbm=shop" target="_blank">available here</a>) has been eagerly awaited by both Tolkien fans and Anglo-Saxonists alike. For the most part it was written in the 1920’s but was never intended for publication; In fact the scholarly and obsessively perfectionist professor later wrote to a friend lamenting the fact that the translation was ‘in much, hardly to my liking’. It has taken much work by Christopher Tolkien to get it into a state where it was fit to be published. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Given the importance of the Beowulf text to our understanding of the language, beliefs, culture and worldview of the early English, and given Tolkien's almost legendary reputation as a scholar of Old English, the publishing of this book is an important milestone, and the text itself is very much worth examining and discussing. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Having recently received a copy of the newly published book I thought I might jot down some thoughts on my impression of it, which hopefully may be useful to anyone unsure about whether to buy it. Please do note that the opinions expressed here are my own...</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">It is worth beginning by noting what an achievement any completed translation of Beowulf truly is. Most scholars of Old English will readily admit how daunting, laborious and occasionally frustrating a challenge the task represents, with the original text itself riddled with ambiguities, and phrases with meanings not easily summed up in modern English. Crucially it is important, also, to recognize that a translation of any poem into another language may preserve the precise meanings of each phrase, or emulate the aesthetics of the original, but it is close to impossible to do both. All translations therefore exist on a spectrum from strictly accurate reference texts to relaxed poetic versions more pleasing to the ear. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"> The translation in question was completed one year into Tolkien's post as professor of Anglo-Saxon at Pembroke College, Oxford and served as a basis for his lectures on the subject. He seems to have continually evolved the translation over the years and the book demonstrates Tolkien’s ongoing struggle to wrest every last jot of meaning from the Old English.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The book includes the actual prose translation with alternative sections, notes, a copious commentary - culled from his lectures plus a short poem - ‘The Lay of Beowulf’ and a ‘fairy-tale’ re-telling of the basic Beowulf story; ‘Sellic Spell’ both in Old English and Modern English.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Tolkien’s aim was to produce a translation as exact as possible. To that end he regretfully abandoned any attempt to formulate the translation into alliterative verse, instead opting for prose. The commentary explains in considerable detail why certain difficult words and phrases are translated as they are; as well as the difficulties concerning missing or incomplete words (The Cotton Vitelius A.xv manuscript which held the only copy of the Beowulf Poem was almost destroyed when fire consumed the Cotton Library in 1731). He also discusses the problems caused by Anglo-Saxon words which may have been misspelled by the copyist, obscure, non-West Saxon terms and <i>Hapax legomena</i> - words that occur only once within the entire Old English language.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">In his famous 1936 lecture ‘Beowulf: The Monsters and the Critics’, Tolkien single-handedly lifted Beowulf from the status of a dry academic text to that of a national treasure. He perceived the story as a work of creative genius and this approach has inspired Anglo-Saxonists to this day. He wrote of Beowulf: </span></div>
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<i style="background-color: white;">‘There is not much poetry in the world like this… it is written in a language that after many centuries has still essential kinship with our own, it was made in this land, and moves in our northern world beneath our northern sky, and for those who are native to that tongue and land, it must ever call with a profound appeal - until the dragon comes.’</i></blockquote>
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<span style="background-color: white;">However, it must not be forgotten that Tolkien was a product of his time and his insights into the poem entirely philological. He decried the use of the poem as a source of archaeological and historical information but today, in the light of almost a century of research and archaeological discovery, we can recognize that the descriptions of ‘pattern-welded’ swords and ornate helmets in the Beowulf text are outstandingly accurate.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">The translation is, in its formulaic circumlocution, in parts, almost unreadable. The strange fairy-tale, proto-Beowulf, ‘Sellic Spell’ is disappointingly childish and deviates alarmingly from the poem. It offers no insights into the real mysteries of the Beowulf poem: that of the origin and motives of Grendel and his mother. Tolkien also uses many translation terms which now sound dated and inappropriate; which give the wrong impression to the modern reader. For instance, he repeatedly uses the word ‘knights’ to translate the Old English word ‘þegna’ where today we would prefer ‘thegns’ or ‘warriors’, which terms lack any obtrusive ‘Arthurian’ or High Medieval connotations. Tellingly, Heaney simply uses the word ‘men’.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">One must ask, then, if an eighty year old translation of Beowulf is useful. The answer must be yes but only because it was penned by J.R.R. Tolkien and indeed it will be an invaluable source for the serious and dedicated student of Old English. However, I expect (and indeed hope) it will not replace well-established middle-of-the-road translations such as that of Michael Alexander (Penguin Classics) which combines poetic form with decent accuracy. Tolkien’s translation almost exactly counterbalances Seamus Heaney’s inspired verse (and dreadful inaccuracy) in its pedantic exactitude and barely readable style, but even so, must be read with care . I have asked myself if I would have purchased this book when I was a first year undergraduate and have to admit that I probably would have - but I would have still bought Michael Alexander’s version to read for pleasure.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Overall, then, this book is an impressive work but very much an academic work rather than a popular adaption. The book is as much about the<u> process</u> of reaching for perfection in translation as it is about Beowulf itself, and perhaps works best as a window into the mind of the translator. The immortalisation, in print, of Tolkien's takes on a host of linguistic matters will no doubt be invaluable for scholars of Old English. The translation, however, though painstakingly precise has its flaws, and crucially must be read with both caution and understanding. It is startlingly clear how much the archaeological discoveries of the last eight decades have transformed our view of Beowulf, and rather than being the "last word" on the subject, Tolkien's translation highlights that our comprehension of the text may never cease to evolve. </span></div>
Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-37992223190085098062014-05-22T20:57:00.000+01:002014-05-22T23:18:57.372+01:00Twilight of the SeaxWe recently received this most interesting question from a reader;<br />
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<i>“I noticed that seaxes seem to be absent from the Bayeaux tapestry. So far the latest depiction I have found is an illumination from France showing a warrior carrying a seax-shaped knife from ~890 CE. Is there any consensus on when the seax may have been abandoned as a fighting weapon? If there is evidence that seaxes were carried in the 11th c. what form would they be? Are there any examples?”</i></blockquote>
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The demise of the seax as a weapon is an interesting topic and one we have not discussed before. We therefore thought this question warranted a full reply.<br />
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The Killing-Knife or <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">wælseax </span></i></b>(defined as having a blade longer than 18cm) seems to disappear from military use during the 11th century. The so-called ‘broken-back’ (insular form) seax seems to have been in use from 800-1100 CE. Certainly the Bayeaux tapestry shows no warriors armed with large war-knives, although one can be sure that every man at Hastings would have carried a short-bladed utility-knife.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/24/Bayeux_Tapestry_4.jpg/800px-Bayeux_Tapestry_4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/24/Bayeux_Tapestry_4.jpg/800px-Bayeux_Tapestry_4.jpg" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The Bayeux Tapestry: Spears, swords, clubs, maces, bows, but no seaxes!?</td></tr>
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The lack of any representation of larger knives on the Bayeux tapestry may be due to the difficulty of depicting them by embroidery on this scale. However, I note that a number of even smaller items are depicted with good definition. The lack of any depictions of seaxes could be explained as a result of a lack of familiarity, on the part of the designer, with 11th Century English warrior accouterments, but this is difficult to believe if we are to accept the assessment of most scholars that the tapestry was the work of English artisans within a generation of the events depicted. The most reasonable assessment seems to be that the large war knives which feature prominently in the archaeological record from preceding centuries were significantly "out of fashion" at the time of Hastings. There are many reasons why this may have been the case.<br />
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It is thought that the large single-edged war-knife became progressively more redundant as swords became lighter and handier to use. As good steel swords became proportionally more affordable and available, there was less need to economize by using a single-edged primary weapon. During the 11th and 12th centuries, warriors seem to have been armed with swords and only carried small utility knives. The ‘dagger’ (in various forms) only re-appears with the advent of plate-armour when knights needed a weapon to finish off opponents which could be slipped between the plates of the harness. During this period we also see the reappearance of what is, to all intents and purposes, a small war-seax in the archer’s and common man’s ðwittle (thwittel). This simple single-edged knife, famously made in Sheffield, is mentioned by Chaucer. <br />
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<span style="white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span>“<b><i>A Shefild thwittle bare he in his hose</i></b>.”</div>
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The Middle English name derives from the Old English <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">ðwítel </span></i></b>which derives from <b><i><span style="color: #38761d;">ðwítan </span></i></b>- ‘to cut’.<br />
It is possible that the Hurbuck-style long-seax influenced later English Falchions and that, in Europe, the medieval Lang Messer and Renaissance Große Messer may have evolved from the long tradition of Germanic heavy saxes.<br />
My own opinion is that the heavy whittle-tanged knife is not a continuous tradition but just a good handy design. After all, the classic Sami knives; the small puukko, larger leuko and sax-sized väkipuukko have remained essentially unchanged in design for over 1000 years. The English broken-back seax shape is one which reappears in the 19th century as the Bowie Knife and the later bayonet.<br />
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Thus I would suggest that the seax never really became extinct but was constantly evolved to suit changing circumstances.</div>
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Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-85820871640253477452014-02-08T11:00:00.000+00:002014-02-08T13:13:59.913+00:00The Anglo-Saxon Sword Riddles <span style="font-size: large;"><b>The Anglo-Saxon Sword Riddles</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_CK4vu4bCxrcFH_k7iq2Nbl9Z4CIojuYav4OP5gvcxxmTagfXGRo7PAmEULloj60CbP73F8XE_ME3hTna1_-Jq0MEg4OaHQNy5hg6aQaB4DtlDsC5RlFOMQTHvMP40DRYaIK_Zyo1cwo/s1600/IMG_2444.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_CK4vu4bCxrcFH_k7iq2Nbl9Z4CIojuYav4OP5gvcxxmTagfXGRo7PAmEULloj60CbP73F8XE_ME3hTna1_-Jq0MEg4OaHQNy5hg6aQaB4DtlDsC5RlFOMQTHvMP40DRYaIK_Zyo1cwo/s320/IMG_2444.jpg" height="240" width="320" /></a>Anglo-Saxon swords were not merely death-dealing weapons, ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>wigena weorðmynd</b></i></span>’ (“<i>joy of warriors</i>” (Beowulf 1559) but potent symbols of leadership, social status and ancestral lineage. Oaths of fealty and maybe even marriage vows were sworn on the sword, probably to invoke the power of the sword-god Tiw, who protected the sanctity of oaths. <br />
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The 10th Century Exeter Book contains numerous Anglo-Saxon Riddles; two of which clearly have a sword as the solution. In her seminal book on the Anglo-Saxon sword, HR Ellis Davidson discusses the sword-riddles in some detail. In light of new discoveries; particularly that of the Staffordshire Hoard, the Sword Riddles are well worth re-examining. <br />
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<b><i>RÆDELS XX </i></b><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">Ic eom wunderlicu wiht on gewin sceapen </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">frean minū · leof fægre gegyrwed </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">byrne is min bleofag swylce beorht seo mað </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">wīr ymb þone wælgim þe me waldend geaf </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">se me widgalum wisað hwilum </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">sylfum to sace þōn ic sinc wege </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">þurh hlutterne dæg hondweorc smiþa </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">gold ofer geardas oft ic gæstberend </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">cwelle compwæpnū cyning mec gyrweð </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">since ond seolfre ond mec on sele weorþað </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">ne wyrneð wordlofes wisan mæneð </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">mine for mengo þær hy meodu drincað </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">healdeð mec on heaþore hwilum læteð eft </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">radwerigne on gerūm sceacan </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">orlegfromne oft ic oþrum scod </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">frecne æt his freonde fah eom ic wide </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">wæpnum awyrged ic me wenan ne þearf </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">þæt me bearn wræce on bonan feore </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">gif me gromra hwylc guþe genægeð </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">ne weorþeð sio mægburg gemicledu </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">eaforan minum þe ic æfter woc · </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">nymþe ic hlafordleas hweorfan mote </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">from þā healdende þe me hringas geaf </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">me bið forð witod gif ic frean hyre </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">guþe fremme swa ic gien dyde </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">minū þeodne on þonc þæt ic þolian sceal </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">bearngestreona ic wiþ bryde ne mot </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">hæmed habban ac me þæs hyhtplegan </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">geno wyrneð se mec gearo ōn · </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">bende legde forþon ic brucan sceal </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">on hagostealde hæleþa gestreona · </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">oft ic wirum dol wife abelge </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">wonie hyre willan heo me wom spreceð </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">floceð hyre folmum firenaþ mec wordum </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">ungod gæleð ic ne gyme þæs </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #38761d;">compes . . . . . </span></i><br />
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<i>I am a wondrous wight shapen in strife, </i><br />
<i>dear to my lord and beautifully adorned. </i><br />
<i>My byrnie is beautifully patterned; likewise bright wire is hidden, </i><br />
<i>set about the death-jewel which a ruler gave me, </i><br />
<i>he, who in his wanderings, sometimes guides </i><br />
<i>me to war, himself. Then do I carry treasure </i><br />
<i>through the bright day smiths’ golden handiwork </i><br />
<i>through the dwellings. Often do I slay a living soul </i><br />
<i>with weapons of war. A king decks me out </i><br />
<i>with treasure and silver and honours me in the hall; </i><br />
<i>nor withholds words of praise, publicly proclaims </i><br />
<i>my merits before men, as they drink their mead. </i><br />
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<i>He keeps me in confinement but sometimes set free again </i><br />
<i>when weary of the road keen for combat, </i><br />
<i>spears are shaken. I have often injured another severely </i><br />
<i>in the hands of his friend; I am far and wide </i><br />
<i>accursed among weapons. I must never hope </i><br />
<i>that a son will avenge me on the life of my slayer </i><br />
<i>if any fierce enemy should assail me in battle. </i><br />
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<i>Nor will the family from which I sprang be increased </i><br />
<i>by any child of mine which I later engender - </i><br />
<i>unless I, lordless, must turn away </i><br />
<i>from the guardian he who gave me rings. </i><br />
<i>Henceforth I am fated if I follow a new lord </i><br />
<i>to support him in battle as I hitherto did </i><br />
<i>for my leader’s favour, that I shall forfeit </i><br />
<i>the begetting of children and not be allowed a bride; </i><br />
<i>to have sex moreover that sport </i><br />
<i>is also denied me; by him who of yore </i><br />
<i>placed his bonds upon me. Forthwith I shall enjoy </i><br />
<i>a perpetual bachelor life, the treasure of heroes. </i><br />
<i>Often, foolish in my wire-ornament, I offend a lady, </i><br />
<i>frustrate her will, she screams her distress to me; </i><br />
<i>claps her hands, tormenting me with lustful words, </i><br />
<i>evil curses. I care not for this conflict.... </i></blockquote>
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<i><b>RÆDELS LXXI </b></i><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>Ic eom rices æht reade bewæfed </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>stið ond steapwong staþol wæs Iu þa </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>wyrta wlitetorhtra nu eom wraþra laf </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>fyres ond feole fæste genearwad </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>wire geweorþad wepeð hwilum </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>for minum gripe se þe gold wigeð · </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>þōn ic yþan sceal […]fe </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>hringum gehyrsted me bi[…] </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>[…]go[…]dryhtne min[…] </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i>[…]wlite bete </i></span><br />
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<i>I am a powerful man’s property clothed in gold. </i><br />
<i>My place was first the hard steep ground </i><br />
<i>with fair bright herbs. Now I am the leavings of harsh things, </i><br />
<i>the fire and the file. I am fast confined </i><br />
<i>and adorned with wires. He sometimes weeps, </i><br />
<i>he that bears gold, because of my grip. </i><br />
<i>when I must destroy… [...] </i><br />
<i>ring-adorned me [...] </i><br />
<i>[........] my master [...] </i><br />
<i>[...] splendour restored </i></blockquote>
(All translations are by the author) <br />
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The Anglo-Saxon riddles have layers of complexity which would have delighted their original audience but may baffle us today as they employ complex, highly symbolic rhetoric. The subject of the riddle is often personified and extols its virtues from the point of view of an external observer. It then most often concluded with the challenge: ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>saga hwæt ic hatte’</b></i></span> (<i>Say what I am called!</i>). This rhetorical technique is termed 'Prosopopœia'. <br />
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Riddle 20 has had three solutions proposed: namely ‘Sword’, ‘Hawk’ and ‘Phallus’. The hawk solution works to some degree but is unconvincing whereas the sword solution is fairly obvious and clear, at least initially in the first half of the passage. The phallus solution is suggested by the second portion of the riddle. Thus we are presented with a verbal puzzle with two solutions which have a degree of unity; just like the famous pommel-cap from the Staffordshire Hoard (K358) which features a helmeted moustachioed face when observed in one way and a tusked boar face when observed in another. (<a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6959267909">http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6959267909</a>) <br />
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The observer identifies himself as a ‘bachelor-warrior’ (termed a <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>hagostealdman</b></i></span> in Old English - literally a ‘fenced-in dwelling man’). Such a young, unmarried warrior might also be called a<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b> geoguð</b></i></span> (youth). The unmarried professional warrior was a recognised class in Anglo-Saxon England, as across Northern Europe, particularly in Denmark where they lived apart, building up their Óðinn-inspired esprit-de-corps. <br />
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Concerning the first section of the riddle; the term ‘shaped in strife’ brings to mind the picture of the sword-blade being beaten into shape by the muscular smith. ‘<i>Was nicht mich umbringt, mach mich stärker!</i>’ - to quote Nietzsche (whatever doesn’t destroy me, makes me stronger!). <br />
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The ‘byrnie’ described as <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>bleofag</b></i></span>, meaning ‘gleaming and beautifully patterned’, cannot refer to the sword’s sheath but must refer to the intricate beauties of a ‘pattern-welded’ blade. This was termed <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>hringmæl</b></i></span> or <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>wyrmfah </b></i></span>by the Anglo-Saxons. The ‘bright wire’ mentioned probably refers to gold filigree-work on the hilt and pommel-cap.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbiHgUnf6_JqluodwGliHXj66JV3VfSD0FJ7GtlidtVOOPCb_gMTizsMslAZSHWKzDcomf8JliI8CgM510uj9BMeCcVL94a1z2qJKNhSEnFLhEEUzdMuIcbSc7hva1ne4x7trk35M4QU0/s1600/rasen.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbiHgUnf6_JqluodwGliHXj66JV3VfSD0FJ7GtlidtVOOPCb_gMTizsMslAZSHWKzDcomf8JliI8CgM510uj9BMeCcVL94a1z2qJKNhSEnFLhEEUzdMuIcbSc7hva1ne4x7trk35M4QU0/s320/rasen.png" height="320" width="228" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">C7th Market-Rasen hilt fittings showing intricate 'bright wire' filligree. </td></tr>
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The term <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>wælgim</b></i></span> is fascinating; it can be translated as ‘death-jewel’ or ‘killing-gem’ but is likely to refer to the blood-red garnets set into the pommel-caps of many early Anglo-Saxon swords.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGVh9MUOeqcnuZ9F4vIYgjNm6zkoiMMNKFBsO_gYP4nhs5_amLveokc-pH0A_5Wt0LvEY5-7aPsSFrZavm50NGnWlqk6pq3_u7_8XMjOolppEGOBwSWGQbFvTWjWiJcXBrtv6JDCTxNeo/s1600/anglo+saxon+sword+fittings.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGVh9MUOeqcnuZ9F4vIYgjNm6zkoiMMNKFBsO_gYP4nhs5_amLveokc-pH0A_5Wt0LvEY5-7aPsSFrZavm50NGnWlqk6pq3_u7_8XMjOolppEGOBwSWGQbFvTWjWiJcXBrtv6JDCTxNeo/s320/anglo+saxon+sword+fittings.jpg" height="320" width="303" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Replica <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>'waelgim</b></i></span>'/garnet-cloisonne sword fittings from the Staffordshire Hoard (danegeld.co.uk)</td></tr>
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That the sword is embellished with much gold and silver is stressed. The sword’s martial virtues are lauded by its master in the mead-hall, much as today men in the pub might boast of their cars’ performance. The sword is kept confined, almost imprisoned, in its sheath, tied in by ‘peace-bands’, but is sometimes set free to do battle.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9CbjWXMEmUnZ948gY5twLPjp0sB8DWqrjNSCCdT8nCv4cw8fxSa09x1mrlS_t6VuQUqLfZy0rP65-LqfdyyT9oLQAFPDcAapuGesftF3Y6kVP8xZxWRug2KLDNuLyXhLDfaNVqanVUn4/s1600/slith+scabbard+(4).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9CbjWXMEmUnZ948gY5twLPjp0sB8DWqrjNSCCdT8nCv4cw8fxSa09x1mrlS_t6VuQUqLfZy0rP65-LqfdyyT9oLQAFPDcAapuGesftF3Y6kVP8xZxWRug2KLDNuLyXhLDfaNVqanVUn4/s320/slith+scabbard+(4).jpg" height="240" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Thegns sword reconstruction 'Slithrung' showing peace-bands</td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td></tr>
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At this point, the riddle becomes more cryptic; lamenting that it has neither wife nor child and will be unable to have them unless it acquires a new lord. The sword is an ancient and well-understood phallic-symbol: it represents the male (phallic) principle and its insertion into the sheath, which in Latin is <span style="color: #b45f06;"><i><b>vagi<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="background-color: white;">'</span></span>na</b></i></span>, is symbolic of the female yonic principle. Perhaps the sword laments that it is denied sexual penetration - pleasant and leading to procreation and must make do with penetrating the bodies of its master’s enemies; bloody, painful and leading to death. <br />
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Some have suggested that the last four lines describe the act of rape or, at least, sexual violence but close examination of the text suggests otherwise. The lady in question begrudges the treasure lavished on the sword’s hilts and scabbard and, moreover, sees its celibacy as a challenge and curses it. The sword, however, ‘cares not for this game ...’ and determines to, in the words of the Cliff Richard song to ‘remain a bachelor-boy until (his) dying day’. <br />
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The second riddle (71) is incomplete but clearly relates to a sword. The text makes it clear that the possession of a sword is the prerequisite of a rich and powerful man. The phrase ‘clothed in red’, in all likelihood, relates to the gold decoration on the scabbard and hilts of the sword rather than a red-coloured sword-sheath. Gold is often described as ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>read</b></i></span>’ in Old English literature, as in Norse texts and on into the High Medieval Period and beyond. It is unclear why but by the time the riddles were composed, it is likely that ‘red gold’ had become one of the set phrases in the poetic vocabulary. ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Reade bewæfed</b></i></span>’ could also relate to the red garnets set into the gold of the pommel-cap. <br />
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It seems clear that the ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>stiðond steap wong</b></i></span>’ (hard high ground) refers to iron mined from the rocks. The sword is often described poetically as ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>fela laf</b></i></span>’ (the survivor of the files) and this is here described with the sword being ‘the leavings of harsh things’’ these being the forge-fire and the file. The sword being held ‘fast confined’ in its scabbard is once more described; giving a vivid image of its being a violent criminal eager to escape from prison in order to kill again. ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Wire geweorþad</b></i></span>’ directly translated as ‘decorated with wires’, might better be stated as ‘adorned with (gold) filigree'. <br />
<br />
The remainder of the riddle is unclear but does include one telling phrase: ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>hringum gehyrsted</b></i></span>’ - meaning ‘ring-adorned’ relates to the ring-fittings fitted (often grotesquely) to the hilts of 6th-7th century swords, which may represent oath rings. Sadly the incompleteness of the end of this riddle robs us of what may have been valuable insight into this unusual practice.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/dd/Ringknaufschwert_1.JPG/800px-Ringknaufschwert_1.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/dd/Ringknaufschwert_1.JPG/800px-Ringknaufschwert_1.JPG" height="191" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Late 6th century Buckland / 'Dover Ring Sword', British Museum </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Davidson also mentions two other riddles (or <span style="color: #b45f06;"><b>ænigmata</b></span>) composed in Latin hexameters by Tatwine, who was Archbishop of Canterbury from 731-734 CE and Aldhelm, who was abbot of Malmesbury from 685-704 CE. <br />
<blockquote>
1. <i><span style="color: #b45f06;">Armigeri dura cordis compagine fingor, </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #b45f06;"> cuius et hirsuti extat circumstantia pepli, </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #b45f06;"> pangitur et secto cunctum de robore culmen, </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #b45f06;"> pellibus exterius strictim qui tegmina tute </span></i><br />
<i><span style="color: #b45f06;"> offensam diris defendunt imbribus aulam. </span></i>(Tatwine’s De Ense et Vag<span style="font-size: xx-small;">'</span>ina). <br />
<br />
<i>I am formed with a hard body and a warrior’s heart, surrounded by an enveloping hairy robe; this is fixed at the top with cut wood and on the outside these coverings defend the dwelling securely with skins, when attacked by hostile showers.</i> </blockquote>
______________ <br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
2. <span style="color: #b45f06;"><i>De terrae gremiis formabar primitus arte, </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i> materia trucibus processit cætera tauris, </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i> aut potius putidis constat fabricata capellis. </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i> Per me multorum clauduntur lumina letho, </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i> qui domini nudus nitor defendere vitam. </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i> Nam domus est mihi constructa de tergore secto, </i></span><br />
<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i> nec non et tabulis quas findunt stipite rasis.<b> </b><span style="color: black;">(</span></i></span>Aldhelm’s De Pugione vel Spata)</blockquote>
<blockquote>
<br />
<i>First I was skilfully formed from the lap of earth and the rest of my material came from savage bulls or else consists of what is made from stinking goats. Through me, the lights of many are extinguished in death. Naked, I strive to defend the life of my lord. For I have a home framed from cut leather and also from smoothed planks, which men cleave from the tree-trunk. </i></blockquote>
_______________<br />
<br />
These ænigmata are blunt and clumsy compared to the Old English riddles but are nevertheless useful, particularly by providing useful descriptions of organic sword components which do not survive well, if at all, in archaeological contexts. Aldhelm’s suggestion of the use of horn (material from savage bulls) in the sword’s construction is of particular interest. Horn is an excellent material to combine with thin gold plates (<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>scenna</b></i></span>) when constructing composite hilts and polishes up to a fine pale-green or dark sheen. The use of goatskin is also suggested; presumably to wrap the grip. The sword-sheath is described as being formed from leather-covered wood, while the "hairy robe" mentioned in Tatwine's enigma likely refers to the animal-skin lining within. The components and materials described match closely with conclusions drawn from analysis of finds. <br />
<br />
It is certain that all the sword riddles relate far better to the ornate, gold and jewel-rich weapons of the 6 - 8th centuries than the more practical ones of the later, desperate wars. They are thus likely to have been composed early on, even if only written down later. Certainly, the Latin ones date to no later than the late 7th century. <br />
<br />
The riddles make it clear that the sword was perceived with some degree of ambiguity in Anglo-Saxon England; a sword was a source of pride to the warrior but also an instrument of death, capable of slaughtering both enemies and friends. It is interesting to note that, in Riddle 20, the narrator thinks of himself as a young bachelor-warrior, probably a member of the <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>geoguð</b></i></span>, rather than of the <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>duguð</b></i></span>; who, as older ‘tried and tested’ warriors, more likely to have wives and families. It has always been easier to get young men to fight in wars, to kill and be killed than men with responsibilities. <br />
<br />
“<span style="color: #b45f06;"><i><b>Quemadmodum gladius neminem occidit: occidentis telum est.</b></i></span>” <br />
A sword never kills anyone; it is a tool in the killer's hand. - Seneca the Younger <br />
<b><br />References: </b><br />
‘The Sword in Anglo-Saxon England’ by H.R. Ellis Davidson. <br />
'Sheaths and Scabbards in England AD400-1100' by E. A. Cameron. <br />
<br />Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-38822674400171430362014-02-03T12:00:00.000+00:002015-01-27T12:36:32.736+00:00Wyrmfang 2/2<span style="font-size: small;"><b>'Wymfang' - Chapter 2; A princely sheath for a princely Seax</b></span><br />
<br />
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpvIk3IS3lQEZiaNPCyu8M65abT63xivTDZwUOt77gzUK_Xm9xNuzWUaiAcLAZo0sayL0sL98DGL3af1Ma8MnAhyphenhyphenzmGOeG7gUTCbT9shIvzRKIbotC0cw6VhbAdjqavlfb1Y7gqGTfbvo/s1600/IMG_4209.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpvIk3IS3lQEZiaNPCyu8M65abT63xivTDZwUOt77gzUK_Xm9xNuzWUaiAcLAZo0sayL0sL98DGL3af1Ma8MnAhyphenhyphenzmGOeG7gUTCbT9shIvzRKIbotC0cw6VhbAdjqavlfb1Y7gqGTfbvo/s1600/IMG_4209.JPG" height="189" width="320" /></a>In 2013 we attempted to faithfully reconstruct the second seax of the Staffordshire Hoard <a href="http://www.thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2013/09/wymfang-1.html" target="_blank">(<b>see previous chapter here)</b></a>; a smaller but arguably richer weapon, featuring five pieces bearing garnet cloisonné on its hilt. This item had been long in the planning, ever since the Staffordshire Hoard conservation team announced the connection between the five splendid components which made up the hilt, and the reconstruction took place mainly during the spring of 2013. As always with such projects though, work was not over once the weapon was complete, as a sheath was still to be made, which would properly protect the blade and complement its haft.<br />
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<a name='more'></a><br />
It was possible to infer various details about the weapon's original sheath, with some degree of certainty simply from the golden fittings in the Hoard. It was clear, for example, that the lowermost hilt fitting (k449) covered the transition from tang to blade, its elaborate decoration and lack of wear on the soft gold indicating that no part of the hilt would have fitted inside a leather sheath. It is additionally clear that the ostentatious decoration at the lowermost part of the hilt would have been intended to be seen when the seax was worn, so it is unlikely a sheath would extend over it. Instead, we think the sheath of this seax would have gripped the blade, terminating at the base of k449, allowing the entire golden hilt to be visible when worn.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDnKxM1mgYBoqJ6KQ5G6gBwSD4m8caaECFDLZyD9BQjh5PZrI9Pvh2AzwLW3GsPwFNi6r_QBTliSUJ0ElAb6CLBDaHIMj0-vLsiAKumEHj2Nf-2e4g3e-AKxQ54UMQMTT88jkjDX9G2GM/s1600/xhiltpic.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjDnKxM1mgYBoqJ6KQ5G6gBwSD4m8caaECFDLZyD9BQjh5PZrI9Pvh2AzwLW3GsPwFNi6r_QBTliSUJ0ElAb6CLBDaHIMj0-vLsiAKumEHj2Nf-2e4g3e-AKxQ54UMQMTT88jkjDX9G2GM/s1600/xhiltpic.JPG" height="292" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Hilt of replica Staffordshire Hoard seax 'Wyrmfang'</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
It is not impossible that a folded leather sheath would have sufficed for this purpose. On balance though, we felt that the blade would be safest in a sheath constructed similarly to that of a sword, with an animal-hair lined wooden core, itself wrapped with thin leather. Such sheaths (termed "Seax Scabbards" by Esther Cameron*) are well evidenced, particularly with respect to 6th and 7th Century narrow-seaxes.<br />
<br />
Work on the wood core actually began before the knife was hilted, principally to avoid the hazard of having such a wickedly sharp blade lying around. A rather more fiddly process than a sword scabbard, constructing this sheath involved carving a triangular cross-section slot of the right depth on two wooden planks, corresponding to the shape of the blade. Once the desired depth had been reached on each, lambskin was cut to shape, shorn to the desired length, and then fixed into the slot with animal-glue. The two halves were married up, the seax blade inserted with the planks held together to test tightness, and the length of animal-hair adjusted further until the desired tightness had been achieved. The halves were then glued together and carved down to produce a thin wooden core for the sheath, with a rounded back and sharp upper edge (mirroring the shape of the blade) to allow the leather to wrap it neatly.<br />
<br />
Thin oak-tanned leather was cut to shape and wet-formed around the core; in particular to ensure seamless transition over the curving back of the core (reflecting the blade) towards the tip. Once dry, this leather was pulled tight over the core and fixed in place with edging formed from bent strips of copper-alloy and corresponding copper-alloy 'clips', held in place with tiny wire rivets. Supplementing these were two extended 'clips' to which were fitted rings of coiled copper-alloy wire for the suspension of the seax to be attached.<br />
<br />
To the tip of the sheath we were able to fit a wonderful chape fashioned by talented bronze-caster Andrew Mason, based on the zoomorphic seax chape from Ford, Wiltshire, fitting the sheath's shape beautifully and adding some weight at the tip, helping this unusually balanced weapon hang well when worn.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgcFbiEFh_8IuUmkigQLRhgyT-R7S8iy4X-_IIBbf8_d50-R-EOWFIN0-r7qI1kOAG-McAsDmAVWn43qg0cAP-oU_b-mUURo6hzJNV46XJ6AHWAvC-uRzCjzzkExg5LuWJUVsQp-0v-GmE/s1600/xchapepic.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgcFbiEFh_8IuUmkigQLRhgyT-R7S8iy4X-_IIBbf8_d50-R-EOWFIN0-r7qI1kOAG-McAsDmAVWn43qg0cAP-oU_b-mUURo6hzJNV46XJ6AHWAvC-uRzCjzzkExg5LuWJUVsQp-0v-GmE/s1600/xchapepic.JPG" height="315" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Tip of the sheath of replica Staffordshire-Hoard seax Wyrmfang, featuring zoomorphic chape inspired by that of the narrowseax from Ford, Laverstock, Wilts. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
As far as other metallic components were concerned, we were keen to stick to Staffordshire Hoard items wherever possible.<br />
<br />
Inspiration for the twin buckles to suspend the seax from a belt came from pieces <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/stokemuseums/5954408843/" target="_blank">k114</a> and, in particular, <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/stokemuseums/5954546453/in/set-72157627233574538/lightbox/" target="_blank">k685</a>. While we will never know for sure what these tiny, fairly simple buckles were used for, the suspension of a seax is certainly a reasonable candidate, being the right size and just sturdy enough to bear the weight. Fashioning a pair of fairly faithful replicas was a fairly straightforward, though notably omitting the minute filligree rings around the rivet-heads. These buckles were supplemented with charming to-scale replicas of the tiny zoomorphic terminal pair <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6987769221/" target="_blank">k16</a> and <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/7000224781/" target="_blank">k1184</a>, fashioned into strap-ends by George Easton of danegeld.co.uk.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhurvtxku5hr1Q3d5UY56xxa_ldjNf6ENvdEvKKJzkROUtHTC1LfTMSxMGqXIceM-uNuCChF7FrCP03EU8Owl7_XcL5h_xOCReUBsAHMXnBeOz0hmCqfBcVN5RnFdifu1XSM1JLiSJFnf0/s1600/968853_422862044494235_362031020_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhurvtxku5hr1Q3d5UY56xxa_ldjNf6ENvdEvKKJzkROUtHTC1LfTMSxMGqXIceM-uNuCChF7FrCP03EU8Owl7_XcL5h_xOCReUBsAHMXnBeOz0hmCqfBcVN5RnFdifu1XSM1JLiSJFnf0/s1600/968853_422862044494235_362031020_n.jpg" height="260" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: 12.8000001907349px;">Replicas of Staffordshire Hoard 'bird of prey' zoomorphic mounts k16 and k1184, adapted here as strap-ends</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
The final components of the sheath to be installed were two matching pieces of gold-and-garnet strip, in early 2014. The Hoard contains large quantities of such strip, with pieces in various shapes, sizes and configurations, and featuring various cloisonné designs. There is continental precedent for the use of gold and garnet cloisonne strip being used to augment sheaths and scabbards; most notably the elaborate 6th century sheaths of the sword and seax from the tomb of Childeric I.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/91/Scramasaxe_de_Child%C3%A9ric_Ier.jpg?uselang=en-gb" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/91/Scramasaxe_de_Child%C3%A9ric_Ier.jpg?uselang=en-gb" height="163" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Components of the Frankish King Childeric I's weapon-set, showing cloisonné strip used on the sheaths of sword and seax. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Given the martial nature of most other items from the Staffordshire Hoard it is reasonable to expect that the strips might have originated from martial effects too, among which sheaths and scabbards are a good fit. Although it is not possible to prove such uses on the basis of current information, further analysis (particularly with respect to the pre-deformation curvature of such items) may shed valuable light. In the meantime, sheaths and scabbards remain a good candidate for the purpose of such pieces; a theory we chose to explore on the sheath of Wyrmfang. <br />
The cloisonne designs used here were inspired by <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/stokemuseums/5954416051/in/set-72157627233574538" target="_blank">k273</a> although the replica pieces are, in this case, smaller than the originals, though consistent with the proportions of much of the Staffordshire Hoard strip pieces, and complete the design of the sheath, integrating the gold and garnet of the hilt with the design of the sheath.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtgW-xu9nKxKWQxy01lsVU_N6vIJeq09mzQGNGzgoVQggaanR7SdL7d_SgDUFLqa3ck7YmtVpYCIQJqxfxQptTkdkyAC5XT1cSyFgU5tpTV83s_vICxr_lMvZcx3sVmW4jVQ__uvYpH4o/s1600/IMG_4216.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtgW-xu9nKxKWQxy01lsVU_N6vIJeq09mzQGNGzgoVQggaanR7SdL7d_SgDUFLqa3ck7YmtVpYCIQJqxfxQptTkdkyAC5XT1cSyFgU5tpTV83s_vICxr_lMvZcx3sVmW4jVQ__uvYpH4o/s1600/IMG_4216.JPG" height="207" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">C7th Anglo-Saxon seax 'Wyrmfang' sheathed, featuring 11 replica Staffordshire Hoard components</td></tr>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjw8CZZ-Wt4yFuuclnPLN_wAf-cOw3RCaxQg3pvqoePC0tu2_JLmutPmFU51r-QOhgL08IjbRJlRPNJw-c5w_i3D_z85b1aEWDL9rSEEk5TD_rggiMevP_mrL9aA83AQ_gWr8SeB4t8en8/s1600/IMG_4209.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjw8CZZ-Wt4yFuuclnPLN_wAf-cOw3RCaxQg3pvqoePC0tu2_JLmutPmFU51r-QOhgL08IjbRJlRPNJw-c5w_i3D_z85b1aEWDL9rSEEk5TD_rggiMevP_mrL9aA83AQ_gWr8SeB4t8en8/s1600/IMG_4209.JPG" height="236" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">C7th Anglo-Saxon seax 'Wyrmfang' unsheathed</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
Overall the sheath functions well, protecting the blade and allowing it to be suspended comfortably from the waist belt. Taking the seax and sheath together, this project has involved the integration of replicas of nine separate Staffordshire Hoard pieces (across eleven components). The status of the Staffordshire Hoard's smaller implied seax is entirely unprecedented, and thus elements of any sheath which aims to be in-keeping with its rich hilt will inevitably involve the exercise of some creative licence, and this has been the case, in particular, with the adaptation of the zoomorphic terminals and garnet strip into the design. However, the way in which most components of this project have been used rests on a strong evidence base, and hopefully, overall, this assemblage goes some way towards realising what such a weapon would have looked like at the time of manufacture.<br />
<br />
<b>References </b><br />
<b><br /></b>
<br />
<ul class="shortul" style="background-color: white; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17.280000686645508px; list-style: none inside; margin: 0px 60px 0px 0px; padding: 0px;">
<li style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Sheaths and scabbards in England AD400-1100 / Esther A. Cameron. *</li>
<li style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/stokemuseums/sets/72157627233574538/" target="_blank">Staffordshire Hoard Hand-List</a> / Kevin Leahy. </li>
</ul>
Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-28989614624751849842014-01-30T18:54:00.005+00:002014-01-31T19:52:00.702+00:00New WebsiteWhile the blog (<a href="http://www.thethegns.blogspot.com/">www.thethegns.blogspot.com</a>) has served us well over the years it has become increasingly apparent that a more professional, more easily navigated site is needed to advertise the living history group. We have therefore built a new website for the Thegns of Mercia; <a href="http://www.thegns.org/"><span style="font-size: large;"><b>www.thegns.org</b></span></a> with much new content. The blog will be gradually adapted to blend seamlessly with this new site, and will continue to be used for articles and discussions, while information about the living history group, our reconstructive archaeology work, and short discussions of recent projects will be placed on the new site. s of recent projects will be placed on the new site. Æd Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14673747327567201042noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-89093572933724706972014-01-05T16:12:00.001+00:002014-01-05T16:12:45.936+00:00Wyrd / Fate<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgNiQJqBHDmhGEgg9XUNr33qjL1HJROetp6s2PUmpqoUXt02BjZuNiT3pVGjOkyQ4J96yydcRrB7U2e4gupizyIZgajMUX7qd-DUPOnOLQHl3R5j6LT_T1x9FYuoipioh1AKy7x0Dax1u0/s1600/5418951-The_Three_Norns-0.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="160" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgNiQJqBHDmhGEgg9XUNr33qjL1HJROetp6s2PUmpqoUXt02BjZuNiT3pVGjOkyQ4J96yydcRrB7U2e4gupizyIZgajMUX7qd-DUPOnOLQHl3R5j6LT_T1x9FYuoipioh1AKy7x0Dax1u0/s200/5418951-The_Three_Norns-0.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Modern statues of the Nornir at Ribe, Dk.</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b>Wyrd</b></span><br />
<br />
The concept of an all-powerful Fate or Destiny is fundamental, not only
to the Anglo-Saxon world view but of Indo-European philosophy generally.<br />
The word ‘wyrd’ occurs no less than nine times in Beowulf, where it is
used to denote ‘omnipotent fate or destiny’, and its use reveals much about Anglo-Saxon beliefs. The Anglo-Saxon understanding of 'wyrd', and the related but subtly different Norse equivalent is worth discussing.<br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
"<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Wyrd bið ful aræd</b></i></span>" </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Fate is wholly inexorable -‘</i>The Wanderer<i>’ </i></blockquote>
. __________________<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>"þrymmas syndan Cristes myccle, wyrd byð swiðost"</b></i></span> </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>The glories of Christ are great, Wyrd is strongest of all</i> -‘The Gnomic Verses’ </blockquote>
. ____________________<br />
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The concept of an all-powerful Fate or Destiny is fundamental, not only to the Anglo-Saxon world view but of Indo-European philosophy generally. The word ‘wyrd’ occurs no less than nine times in Beowulf, where it is used to denote ‘omnipotent fate or destiny’. <br />
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However, to the Anglo-Saxon, Wyrd was no impersonal force but one of three sisters, who spun out the thread of a man’s life, measured out its length, then fatally severed it. <br />
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As the idea of these three implacable sisters exists in some form or other across the whole of Europe, it is likely that it is an ancient one dating back at least into the European Bronze Age. In Ancient Greece, the Fates were called the <span style="color: #45818e;"><i><b>Moirai</b></i></span> - meaning ‘apportioners’ and comprise <span style="color: #45818e;"><i><b>Clotho</b></i></span> (the 'spinner' who spun the thread of life), <i><b><span style="color: #45818e;">Lachesis</span></b></i> (the 'alloter' who measured it) and <span style="color: #45818e;"><i><b>Atropos</b></i></span> (the 'unturnable' who finally snapped or cut it.). The white-garbed Moirai were the daughters of Night and lived in a cave by a pool. The Romans called the Fates the ‘<span style="color: #f1c232;"><i><b>Parcae</b></i></span>’ and named them <i><b><span style="color: #f1c232;">Nona, Decima</span></b></i> and<span style="color: #f1c232;"><i><b> Morta</b></i></span>, they also spun the web of men’s lives. The Norse Eddas tell of the three <span style="color: #0b5394;"><i><b>Nornir</b></i></span>; <span style="color: #0b5394;"><i><b>Urðr</b></i></span> (-‘that which has come to pass’), <span style="color: #0b5394;"><i><b>Verðandi</b></i></span> (-‘that which is in the process of happening) and <span style="color: #0b5394;"><i><b>Skuld</b></i></span> (-‘that which needs to come to pass). <br />
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The collective Old English name for the three Fates has been lost, but there is little doubt that the Early English thought of them as being three sisters. Shakespeare's ‘Macbeth’ draws on Raphael Holinshed's history of Britain, (1587). In Holinshed, Macbeth and Banquo encounter "three women in strange and wild apparel, resembling creatures of elder world" who hail the men with glowing prophecies and then vanish "immediately out of their sight." Holinshed observes that "the common opinion was that these women were ... the Weird Sisters, … the goddesses of destiny". <br />
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The principal Anglo-Saxon goddess of Fate was <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Wyrd</b></i></span>. The name is a feminine verbal noun derived from the Old English <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>weorðan</b></i></span>, meaning ‘to come to pass / to become’ which itself derives from the proto-Germanic <span style="color: #134f5c;"><i><b>*wurþ</b></i></span>- of the same meaning and ultimately from the Proto-Indo-European root <b><span style="color: #45818e;"><i>*wert</i></span></b>- ‘to turn, wind’. <br />
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The names of the other two sisters have also been lost to English tradition. Now the Old Norse<b><i> <span style="color: #0b5394;">Urðr</span></i></b> is clearly cognate with the Anglo-Saxon <span style="color: #0b5394;"><i><b><span style="color: #38761d;">Wyrd</span> </b></i></span>so one might expect the other two sisters to be called <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>*Weorðend</b></i></span> and <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>*Sculd </b></i></span>but there is no evidence for these names. However Old English literature does retain the name ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Metod</b></i></span>’ as a synonym for the Christian God and, although often glossed as meaning ‘ruler or creator’, its actual meaning is ‘one who measures or metes out’. The word derives from the proto-Germanic <span style="color: #134f5c;"><i><b>*metana</b></i></span> - to measure and ultimately from the Proto-Indo-European <span style="color: #45818e;"><i><b>*med-</b></i></span> to measure. <br />
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The word ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Metod</b></i></span>’ is used twice in ‘Beowulf’; firstly when describing God’s judgement of Grendel: <br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>ac hé hine feor forwræc metod for þý máne</b></i></span>’ <br />
<i>-for He drove him far away, the Ruler, for this crime... </i> (line 110)</blockquote>
And, later...<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>eald metod</b></i></span>’ <i> </i><br />
<i>-that Old Measurer of Fate</i> (line 945) </blockquote>
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There seems little doubt that the original meaning of <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Metod</b></i></span> was fate or destiny. In the Anglo-Saxon Riming Poem, from the Exeter Book, the narrator says of his life circumstances;<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Me þæt wyrd gewæf</b></i></span>’<br />
-wyrd wove this for me. </blockquote>
This makes it very clear that Wyrd was thought of as weaving the web of a man’s destiny. Similarly, Wyrd is perceived as spinning with a drop spindle. As the fibres of fate turn, they twist together and become the thread of destiny. <br />
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It is possible, that Fate has preserved one visual representation of the three Fatal Sisters. The famous Franks Casket’s right panel (the Bargello panel- see below), has on the right-hand side a triad of hooded figures which may portray the Sisters.The runic text is cryptic in the extreme but one reading gives: <br />
<blockquote>
<span style="color: #38761d;"><b><i>Her Hos sitiþ on harmberga </i><br /><i> agl[.] drigiþ swa hiræ Ertae gisgraf </i><br /><i> sarden sorga and sefa torna. </i><br /><i> risci / wudu / bita</i></b></span> </blockquote>
<blockquote>
<i> Here Hos sits on the sorrow-mound; </i><br />
<i> She suffers distress as Ertae had imposed it upon her, </i><br />
<i> a wretched den of sorrows and of torments of mind. </i><br />
<i>rushes / wood / biter.</i></blockquote>
However, it would be brave to conclude that '<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Ertae</b></i></span>' is the lost name for the three sisters. The three figures look similar to depictions of the Celtic triple goddess. ‘Genii Cucullati’ are figures found in religious sculpture across the Romano-Celtic world.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgsdWpCFTGWRfG5yoojj1ju8vWPOG3smRy8JRJyEPr-AUU-y-AkqR2hqn3DVUYnExBATwRkTt7o7byYJ6Z3vMeYGJTvWyqHqHCKyB8TEUXOqYJ2y2LHz66jDJWxLuyjmqGc5Bt_VzCms0/s1600/RIGHT.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="228" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgsdWpCFTGWRfG5yoojj1ju8vWPOG3smRy8JRJyEPr-AUU-y-AkqR2hqn3DVUYnExBATwRkTt7o7byYJ6Z3vMeYGJTvWyqHqHCKyB8TEUXOqYJ2y2LHz66jDJWxLuyjmqGc5Bt_VzCms0/s400/RIGHT.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">'Bargello Panel' of the Franks Casket, showing three figures (right). </td></tr>
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It must be suspected that the pre-Christian English often perceived the implacable goddesses of destiny in other than benign terms. Certainly the fatalistic Norse did which is amply demonstrated by this section from Njal’s Saga. Here is described how a number of women set up a loom with men’s severed heads for weights, slimy entrails for thread and a naked sword as the shuttle. The women sing a song called the <span style="color: #0b5394;"><i><b>Darroðarljóð</b></i></span> (- a prophecy concerning the outcome of the Battle of Clanarf fought outside Dublin in 1014 CE). There is clear conflation here between the Valkyries who choose the slain and the Norns who spin the web of fate. <br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>“Blood rains from the<b> cloudy web</b> </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>On the <b>broad loom of slaughter</b>. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i><b>The web of man </b>grey as armour </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Is now being woven</b>; the Valkyries </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Will cross it with a crimson weft. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>The warp is made of human entrails; </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Human heads are used as heddle-weights; </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>The heddle rods are blood-wet spears; </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>The shafts are iron-bound and arrows are the shuttles. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>With swords<b> we will weave this web</b> of battle. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>The Valkyries go weaving with drawn swords, </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Hild and Hjorthrimul, Sanngrid and Svipul. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Spears will shatter shields will splinter, </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Swords will gnaw like wolves through armour. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Let us now wind the web of war </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Which the young king once waged. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Let us advance and wade through the ranks, </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Where friends of ours are exchanging blows. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Let us now wind the web of war </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>And then follow the king to battle </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Gunn and Gondul can see there </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>The blood-spattered shields that guarded the king. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Let us now wind the web of war </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Where the warrior banners are forging forward </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Let his life not be taken; </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Only the Valkyries can choose the slain. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Lands will be ruled by new peoples </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Who once inhabited outlying head-lands. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>We pronounce a great king destined to die; </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Now an earl is felled by spears. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>The men of Ireland will suffer a grief </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>That will never grow old in the minds of men. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i><b>The web is now woven</b> and the battlefield reddened; </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>The news of disaster will spread through lands. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>It is horrible now to look around </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>As a blood-red cloud darkens the sky. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>The heavens are stained with the blood of men, </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>As the Valkyries sing their song. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>We sang well victory songs </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>For the young king; hail to our singing! </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Let him who listens to our Valkyrie song </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Learn it well and tell it to others. </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Let us ride our horses hard on bare backs, </i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>With swords unsheathed away from here! "</i></span><br />
<i><span style="font-size: x-small;">And then they tore the <b>woven cloth from the loom and ripped it to pieces</b>, each keeping the shred she held in her hands... The women mounted their horses and rode away, six to the south and six to the north.” </span></i></blockquote>
It has often been said that the Anglo-Saxon race were (and probably still are) fatalists. Certainly, in those early days when one’s very continuing existence depended on ongoing decent harvests, avoiding sickness and good luck in battle, men believed that at a predestined time they were doomed to die and there was nothing they could do to avert it. In more modern times, this philosophy was seen in the trenches of the First World War where battle-hardened soldiers, who had witnessed the mass extermination of friends and comrades, developed a protective morbid sense of resignation that nothing could deter death. In the troops' phraseology, it would come when "their number was up." <br />
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Despite this the Beowulf poet observed that: <br />
<blockquote>
<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Wyrd oft nereð unfægne eorl, þonne his ellen deah! </b></i></span><br />
<i>Fate often saves an undoomed hero while his zeal thrives.</i></blockquote>
The implication is that while a man's courage held out, he had a good chance of survival since Wyrd would often work to help such a man, as long as he was not ‘<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>fey</b></i></span>’; on the other hand, if a man was doomed then not even his courage could help him against what was destined to be. <br />
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<b>Acknowledgements: </b><br />
“The Lost Gods of England” by Brian Branston <br />
Translation of Darroðarljóð from ‘The Viking Answer-Lady’.Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-23291960317963070012013-12-31T15:35:00.000+00:002013-12-31T15:36:35.279+00:00Grave Problems<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Grave Problems</b></span><br />
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We argue that forming a reasonably accurate and satisfying view of history necessitates an interdisciplinary approach, integrating evidence from archaeology, written texts, pictoral evidence, landscape evidence, reconstruction and experimentation, all with a liberal application of common-sense. However, it is crucial that it always be appreciated that all types of evidence are subject to limitations. In the case of written texts, limitations (such as biasses and selective content) are relatively obvious, but as the wealth of evidence from archaeology, particularly from excavation of cemeteries grows, there is a danger that interpreters lose sight of the particular and often extremely problematic limitations of grave evidence, or draw erroneous conclusions based on dodgy assumptions that are not often-enough challenged. Here we discuss some observations on the difficulty of projecting conclusions about real life from Anglo-Saxon cemetery excavation findings. <br />
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It would seem that archaeologists often assume that what they dig up is a true reflection of the living person who went into the soil as a corpse. While good quality data can be got from the remains of the body; from its anatomy, its osteo-pathology, its chemical composition, DNA and carbon-dating, the same cannot be said for grave-goods, particularly martial ones. Facts can be learned from individual items, perhaps, but even good statistical data concerning, for example, the prevalence of sword burial in different parts of the country, are fraught with significant errors in interpretation. Put simply; why grave-goods are buried with a body is unknown. There is no written evidence to come to the rescue and, without knowing why, all conclusions drawn pertainting to the prevalence of certain items in society, their distributions and value are thrown into doubt. <br />
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<b>The reason for Grave Goods </b><br />
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The religious reason for the deposition of grave goods in the pagan period is generally understood to be equipping the person for the afterlife. It was presumed that a warrior would remain one after death and so need his sword, shield and spear in <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Wælheall</b></i></span>. Similarly, a smith would be buried with a selection of his hammers and tongs and an ale-lover with his favourite drinking-cup. This remains the simplest explanation but, in recent times, archaeologists have begun to doubt it. It has been proposed that the Anglo-Saxons might well leave graves open for a few days to allow viewing and that the deceased would lie in their relatively shallow grave surrounded y the items which identified him or her in life. Their ultimate covering-over by soil would thus be almost incidental.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhAG3EOwW22_4H7cp6tt8-lWpfiiFKwF4EU7636xTJq5FgHfjlj78dCMVxvSmgXBBRl59fejZIwU5wcyb4wTVZO6gPdgby1igl1ymQVGmamk2yn4F0Wq3lg0VgPHermKCG8kDLl-Z13Hag/s1600/bishwoodskel.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="278" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhAG3EOwW22_4H7cp6tt8-lWpfiiFKwF4EU7636xTJq5FgHfjlj78dCMVxvSmgXBBRl59fejZIwU5wcyb4wTVZO6gPdgby1igl1ymQVGmamk2yn4F0Wq3lg0VgPHermKCG8kDLl-Z13Hag/s400/bishwoodskel.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Thegns' simulated c6th warrior inhumation with idealised grave-goods set.</td></tr>
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In the case of rich and important families, particularly royalty, this display would take on another important function related to politics; wealth-display. Consigning costly weapons, gold, jewellery etc. beyond human use might be described as conspicuous consumption: ‘See how rich and powerful we are,’ it would say, ‘that we can afford to put this treasure into the grave!’.<br />
It is interesting that during the transitional period of the 7-8th Century C.E., that folk clearly buried with Christian rites were still being buried with grave-goods including weapons. Later on, Christian burials would have few or no grave goods; the message ‘you can’t take it with you’ having finally got through. <br />
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In modern times, with the decline of organised Christianity, there seems to have been a resurgence of burials with grave goods. The obvious example of this is a dead child being buried with a favourite toy, such as a teddy-bear. If this gives comfort to a grief-stricken parent, who can fault it? and perhaps here one begins to get close to the deep-seated psychological need expressed by sending the deceased person into the long dark in the company of familiar objects. Adults are often buried with their spectacles – either so they can find their way about in the afterlife or because they had become part of their identity. Similarly, confirmed smokers often have a pack of cigarettes or their pipe put into the coffin with them or drinkers, a bottle of whiskey. <br />
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In the Anglo-Saxon and later Viking periods; grave-goods might not merely be objects but sacrificed animals such as dogs, horses or a cow in one example. There is even evidence from rare graves of a type of suttee where a favoured wife or slave-girl might willingly or unwillingly accompany her master. <br />
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<b>Weapon Burials</b><br />
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Concerning weapon burial; the interpretation can be fraught with difficulties. It is often assumed that the weapons found in a grave are the complete personal weaponry of the deceased person with whom they have been interred. From their quality and number, the archaeologist then infers the social status, wealth and even the legal status of the dead person - free or unfree - for a slave might not possess a weapon.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYeDzpT6N3NG1xDbneefJ5JhSR6mAWh2mEewtScbxAV-kHuxbpiO0j9B9DOy1jAMHL6k_IWJiHd4j4hf75rFG7GUaBA7FgefSwJZFib89r64eT0OfVHU2LSyANenOBh9XCBBA-heToTt4/s1600/DSCF2572b.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="298" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYeDzpT6N3NG1xDbneefJ5JhSR6mAWh2mEewtScbxAV-kHuxbpiO0j9B9DOy1jAMHL6k_IWJiHd4j4hf75rFG7GUaBA7FgefSwJZFib89r64eT0OfVHU2LSyANenOBh9XCBBA-heToTt4/s400/DSCF2572b.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Idealised c6th grave mock-up with full weapon-set beside a warrior, showing what does and does not (at best) survive in the earth. Most real sets of grave-goods are, however, far less complete when interred.</td></tr>
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Germanic weapon burials have been used to reconstruct ‘standard weapon sets’ - for example; spear and shield, sword, shield and spear etc. From these supposed weapon-sets, actual modes of combat have been projected! This is far too simplistic, particularly where there are glaringly obvious exceptions. Particularly in the early 5-6th centuries, small children were often buried with full-size adult weapons that they never could have used in life. It is far more reasonable to conclude that their families expected them to grow to adulthood in the afterlife, and so be able to use the spear buried with them or that placing a spear-head in a child’s grave marked them out as belonging to the thegnly class. <br />
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In his definitive work on Anglo-Saxon shields, Härke classified shield sizes into three categories, large, medium and small. Of these; the ‘large’ were those with a shield-board diameter of between 70-92 cm. (2¼-3 feet), the ‘medium’ were those with diameters between 45-66 cm. (1½-2 feet) and the ‘small’ which had a diameter varying between 34-42 cm (1-1½ feet). He noted that there appeared to be some correlation between the skeletal age of the individual buried with a shield and the shield size with the bigger boards being more common in the graves of mature adults. However some adults were buries with shields of not more than a foot across. Even though this type of shield tends to have a slightly smaller boss, this is not an effective size for a shield even for a twelve-year old boy just starting his warrior training and would be of no use whatsoever in a shield-wall. There exists a word in Old English for such a small shield: a<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b> plegscyld </b></i></span>- glossed as ‘play-shield’. This derives from<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b> plega</b></i></span> - meaning ‘quick motion, exercise or sport’. It has generally been supposed that these light shields were used like the Late Medieval ‘buckler’ to deflect sword blows, as being small and light; they could be moved about swiftly. Such a small shield would, however, be almost useless in anything other than individual combat and would have given no protection from spears or missiles. As they are a fairly common finding in early Anglo-Saxon period cemeteries, they must have had a function; too small even as practice-shields for children, the small boards may have been made specifically to go into the grave or cut down from an existing, perhaps favourite war-shield. Perhaps they were made so small as to fit into the grave? <br />
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Now, Anglo-Saxon graves vary a great deal - from shallow scoops in the earth to large pits two metres long, a metre deep and wide enough for the shoulders of the corpse; about 60 cm. Assuming an approximately rectangular grave-cut; this gives a volume of soil to be removed of 1,200,000 cm³. Assuming the density of soil to be 1.5 g/cm³, this gives a weight of soil to be dug of 1000kg or about 1¾ tons! If the grave was more shallow or narrowed towards the feet, the effort of digging it would be considerably reduced but makes fitting a large shield into the grave more problematic. Small diameter shields with normal size bosses thus make sense as specially made grave goods. <br />
<br />
Other possible misconceptions concern swords. Quite often excavated swords have a relatively short tang, so that when reconstructed, the grip is so short as to be unusable. Some very impractical grip-techniques have been proposed to remedy this situation, which often leave the little finger curved unceremoniously around the pommel. This is clearly nonsense. What is clear, particularly since the discovery of 86 ornate pommel-caps in the Staffordshire Hoard, is that the Anglo-Saxons would re-hilt their swords on a regular basis. Even well-made hilt-fittings become loose in time and with the shock of action and the composite metal and organic hilts of early swords would have been prone to damage. Re-hilting may also have been done to bring a treasured blade back into use with the most fashionable hilt decoration. However every time a sword is re-hilted, there is loss of a small amount at the end of the tang where it has been peened over the upper guard to secure the hilt assembly. Eventually the hilt becomes so short as to preclude a safe grip-length and its only logical use is as grave-goods. Similarly, a sax with a broken tang could not be repaired strongly enough to be of use in battle but might be welded together sufficient for it to appear intact enough to go into the grave.<br />
Given the prevalence of no-longer useful weapons among weapon-burials, it must be concluded that they took place only when it was consistent with local and current practice, could be afforded, or if a weapon was available that was no longer serviceable. This is entirely contrary to the notion that those that had swords in the pagan period would have been buried with them, and shows inferences about sword prevalence on the basis of sword-burial prevalence to be a nonesense. It is not surprising, then, that the quantity of ornate sword fittings in the Staffordshire Hoard has shown such estimates to be out by at least an order of magnitude.<br />
<br />
Another misconception, which may vanish with the discovery of the host of hilt-fittings in the Staffordshire Hoard, is the presumption that, if a grave contained a sword with a naked tang and no hilt-fittings (such as the extremely intricate blade of the Pioneer warrior) that the sword had been buried intact but that the hilt-fittings had been entirely organic and had thus rotted away. It now seems much more likely that the precious gold and gem-encrusted fittings had been stripped from the sword prior to burial for ‘recycling’. It had never seemed appropriate that a top-of-the-range ‘pattern-welded’ blade, in life, would be finished with a only a wooden or horn hilt. <br />
<br />
<b>Brooches </b><br />
Another classic case highlighting the problems with drawing conclusions from grave goods; brooches are common in female inhumations but almost always absent from male ones. It has always been somewhat of a mystery why brooches are found in male graves so rarely. In fact, it is perfectly possible that this is the case because male costume only required a brooch (probably usually a simple annular design) to secure a cloak and that burial actually wearing a cloak was not practised; much like modern burials rarely involve the deceased wearing an overcoat. Female indoor costume was essentially held together by an array of brooches and so female-style brooches are ubiquitous. It might be inferred that men did not wear elaborate brooches (consistent with the notion that jewels belong on a man's sword, not on his person) but the selective nature of grave goods means drawing such conclusions is risky.The argument here is not that those wanting to recreate the dress of a 5th-7th century male should include elaborate brooches for which there is no satisfactory archaeological evidence, but that there are perfectly reasonable explanations for why they might have been used but not included in burials, and thus sweeping statements such as "men did not wear brooches" cannot be made with any certainty. Again, property in graves is not, and cannot be considered truly and fully representative of property in life. <br />
<br />
<b>Cremations</b><br />
Only limited information can be gleaned from cremations. As such, only around 50% of cremation urns contain any grave-goods at all. Of these some only contain remnants of items which burned with the body on the pyre. Others were placed into the urn with the ashes. Often these goods are toilette-sets, some so small as to be functionally useless and combs, which are found to have been broken in antiquity - perhaps ‘ritually killed’: rendered useless to the living, prior to deposition.<br />
It might seem obvious that cremation burials represent lower status and wealth than inhumation with grave-goods, but there is no reason to assume that our ancestors saw it this way. It is still not clear why certain contemporaneous people of the 5th-7th centuries, -even in the same communities- in England chose inhumation over cremation, or vice versa. However, an early Anglo-Saxon funeral pyre was laborious and expensive to construct and may have been a status symbol itself, while the ceremony would have been, for its duration, more spectacular than all but the wealthiest inhumations. Certainly, Beowulf provides ample evidence of high-status individuals being cremated. Further, the associated goods are a poor indicator, having been selected four times; by what could be afforded to be 'sacrificed', by size (to fit in the urn), by fire and then finally by time in the earth (as with grave-goods). It is particularly the case with cremations that it cannot be inferred that the absence of an object indicates an individual did not own it. There may have, for example, been many sword-bearing warriors cremated and interred with no blade. This goes further to make a nonsense of any attempt to infer the abundance or value of certain objects within communities in the period on the basis of their occurrence of grave-goods in cemeteries. <br />
<br />
_______________<br />
It thus must be concluded that while individual finds may be very interesting in themselves, they must be interpreted with caution in a wider context. Finds such as the Sutton-Hoo, Benty-Grange and Wolaston helms have helped clarify the meaning of mysterious phrases from Beowulf but, in interpreting grave-goods, particularly weapons and shields, one must not exclude deductive common-sense and the place of good reconstructive archaeology. <br />
<br />
The richness of some graves compared to others in different areas may well not reflect the prevailing religious funeral rite or the wealth of an area but rather the ‘canniness’ of the folk in that area. This might well explain why helmet burial is so rare (- it is 5 lbs of valuable iron!) and mail-coat deposition (35 lbs of iron!) restricted to the one example: the über-rich burial at Mound One of Sutton-Hoo. <br />
<br />
Swords, unless functionally useless, are better passed on to son or sister-son, than lie rusting in the sod. Everyone, though, needs a small utility knife; useful for a hundred and one tasks and maybe this and their relative cheapness, explains their being commonplace in early Anglo-Saxon graves. The deposited knife might not have a good steel cutting edge but just like the plastic flowers which garishly decorate modern graves in cemeteries across the land, it does its symbolic task; the spirit of the knife passes with the deceased into <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Neorxnawang</b></i></span>. Do we leave offerings of flowers to propitiate the ghosts of our deceased relatives that they do not trouble us? Did our ancestors deck out their dead for that reason? Who can tell? - They left us no written records but that does not stop us having fun trying to work it out!Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-56814238500865922872013-09-29T19:39:00.000+01:002015-01-27T12:58:43.618+00:00Wyrmfang 1<span style="font-size: small;"><b>'Wyrmfang' - Chapter 1: A Princely Wælsax from the Staffordshire Hoard</b></span><br />
<br />
From the first moment I set eyes on the beautiful gold and garnet seax collars <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6959304693/" target="_blank">K354</a>, <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6959304829/in/photostream/" target="_blank">K370</a> and <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6813194146/in/photostream/" target="_blank">K449</a> from the Staffordshire Hoard, with their associated pommel-cap <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6959304999/in/photostream/" target="_blank">K376</a> and hilt loop <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6813194676/in/photostream/" target="_blank">K690,</a> I was keen to attempt a reconstruction. The association between these finds was identified early following the discovery of the original batch of Hoard items in the famous field in Hammerwich, and implied the existence of a rare seax with a hilt of unprecedented beauty and balance. I was keen to construct a good replica to better understand this lovely weapon.<br />
<br />
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhf-YsFLkHzzEFE7G3CvfPOgD20SW5OSiYK9yj2LTctvffcFftz-IgdgfnGqeCNgYBJMjG2E4JpKPfy812ctkzMFHk4F73TYlEaPVEqxnY_2F3ewrw3Jh94_sIp3FwfY014ZQbH-7sYTAQ/s1600/xbladepic.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhf-YsFLkHzzEFE7G3CvfPOgD20SW5OSiYK9yj2LTctvffcFftz-IgdgfnGqeCNgYBJMjG2E4JpKPfy812ctkzMFHk4F73TYlEaPVEqxnY_2F3ewrw3Jh94_sIp3FwfY014ZQbH-7sYTAQ/s1600/xbladepic.JPG" height="240" width="320" /></a>The project finally reached completion just in time for the Thegns' visit to West Stow Anglo-Saxon Village, and has taken two years of blood tears and sweat, from planning to completion. The result has facilitated a much better appreciation for the supreme skill and dedication of the Anglo-Saxon master weapon-smiths.<br />
<br />
<br />
What would such a weapon have looked like, what length would the blade have been, how would the grip have functioned and, given the mass of gold in the handle, what would be the balance of the weapon?<br />
To answer these questions, I embarked on a project to produce a feasible reconstruction of this unique seax.<br />
<br />
<a name='more'></a>The first job was to determine the size of the blade. Luckily the bottom hilt-collar (<a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6813194146/in/photostream/" target="_blank">K449</a>) which bore a hole for the tang of the blade carried a clear impression where the blade had sat, making clear that the blade was as wide as the collar (which measures 34mm by 20mm by 25mm deep) and a narrow wedge-shape in cross-section. The blade was thus relatively slim with a maximum width at the spine of 4.5mm.<br />
The precise dimensions of the blade impression and the tang-slot are consistent with the cross-section dimensions of a "Narrow seax" (Schmalsaxe type-1 in Schmitt's typology). This is the same type as the other seax apparent in the hoard; that of the biting-beasts hilt-plate (see reconstruction '<a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/search/label/Laewatan">Læwatan</a>').<br />
Within the range for this blade-type, a blade length of 29cm was decided upon, well in proportion with it's cross section and slightly smaller than its counterpart, the more robust sword-hilted <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/search/label/Laewatan">Læwatan</a>.<br />
<br />
After some considerable discussion with master historical weapon-smith Paul Binns, a suitable pattern welded blade was commissioned - consistent in style with the mid 7th century dating of the decorative pieces. The resulting blade is a true masterpiece, displaying the classic herringbone 'wyrmfah' pattern, composed of two twisted bundles, each of 9 layers, forged flat with a layered iron back and carbon-steel edge. Notably, the steel cutting-edge of this blade has been repeatedly folded to produce an exquisite but subtle 'watered' effect.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicJeWydj6D9h9wrKWLolIvwzFq6aRyj8gF3lmkUGpd1O-1_2Ke62juSvgmbFJazYRn8Y5l-T36zIkn7gx-GDLZXe9I6kTDDBV6BqaXIo99ndJa1vinOZDImxtpEhE1tmuohEucXoGVtP4/s1600/xbladepic.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicJeWydj6D9h9wrKWLolIvwzFq6aRyj8gF3lmkUGpd1O-1_2Ke62juSvgmbFJazYRn8Y5l-T36zIkn7gx-GDLZXe9I6kTDDBV6BqaXIo99ndJa1vinOZDImxtpEhE1tmuohEucXoGVtP4/s400/xbladepic.JPG" height="300" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Close-up of the blade of Wyrmfang, produced by Paul Binns (www.paul-binns-swords.co.uk)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
Exact copies of the five major pieces of the zoomorphic gold hilt fittings were commissioned from specialist jeweller George Easton of danegeld.co.uk. The pieces that he eventually produced were beautiful and amazingly tactile. The Salin Style-2 gold and garnet biting beasts were exact copies of the Hoard originals and one had to look very carefully to see that these were faux-garnets made from resin - such is the quality of the work.<br />
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Like the original pieces nervously matched together by the hoard conservators, the replica pieces fitted together perfectly. The collar-loop <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6813194676/in/photostream/" target="_blank">K690</a> fitted perfectly onto the flange on collar <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6813194146/in/photostream/" target="_blank">k449</a>, with the top-fitting <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6959304693/in/photostream/" target="_blank">k354</a> sitting onto that. On the original piece was a clear impression where the peculiarly shaped pommel-cap <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6959304999/in/photostream/" target="_blank">k376</a> once fitted. The original had bent and distorted as it was wrenched free from <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/staffordshirehoard/6959304693/in/photostream/" target="_blank">k354</a> and, presumably the blade. Here, we were able to view these pieces once again in their original undamaged splendour.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJPmgAN_tjvNPbMuJ08OPgEtbBza9dkVjNFzLbENAZpR6wDUXLkuEcrWyr8IHvHd9W0Iq6gVZIqUg-cQNHLzq6oXrJF8o66y9o4r55ZRCRnqvxYo8B-_qgV0qMyeLMeAeddRIeiPGfkEc/s1600/IMG_2708.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJPmgAN_tjvNPbMuJ08OPgEtbBza9dkVjNFzLbENAZpR6wDUXLkuEcrWyr8IHvHd9W0Iq6gVZIqUg-cQNHLzq6oXrJF8o66y9o4r55ZRCRnqvxYo8B-_qgV0qMyeLMeAeddRIeiPGfkEc/s1600/IMG_2708.JPG" height="278" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Replica Staffordshire Hoard seax pieces by danegeld.co.uk</td></tr>
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Unlike with <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/search/label/Laewatan" target="_blank">Læwatan</a>, little speculation was required when designing the grip, as the design had to begin and end with the ornate gold-and-garnet collars which were of known dimensions. The lack of taper on any of the pieces, and their matching dimensions strongly suggested a consistent oval cross-section should continue throughout the grip.<br />
<br />
The handle was formed from a block of English walnut (<i>Juglans regia</i>) which, when oiled and waxed, produced a rich dark colour perfectly complimentary with the gold-and-garnet fittings. Evidence from rare cases of surviving organic handle remains on seax-tangs suggest grips were often formed from multiple pieces. This makes sense, given the difficulty of drilling a single piece of wood deep enough and straight enough to accommodate the long tangs often associated with such weapons, and the fiddly job of ensuring a tight fit.<br />
The walnut was cut into three sections. Between these were placed disks of dark cow-horn, which added visual interest while remaining sufficiently muted as to not distract from the beauty of the gold collars.<br />
<br />
Cutting holes in these parts to accommodate the tang of the blade was, as always, an exacting task, but was eventually achieved to a tight fit. Most seax handles appear to have been held on by friction, although, as pointed out by Paul Binns, it would have been perfectly possible for an Anglo-Saxon sax-smith to use an adhesive such as birch-bark tar to fix the haft. This ancient material is very sticky yet produces a flexible, weather-proof, shock-absorbing bond. As will be discussed later, though, this Hoard seax represents a rare deviation from the typical friction-fit haft, with mostly continental parallels.<br />
<br />
The wooden sections were assembled, clamped and sanded. The Anglo-Saxon weapon-smith would have used a piece of leather with loose sand to achieve this. The pieces were then fitted onto the tang, leaving the end of the tang protruding through the end collar/cap.<br />
While with swords of the period, such a tang-end would have been peened to fix the grip on and then hidden with an independently pinned pommel-cap, this was not the case with seaxes, which normally had grips held by friction alone, or perhaps an adhesive. Interestingly, the end collar and the small pommel-cap of the elaborate Hoard seax bear no evidence of fixings. It seems the maker made the unusual decision to secure the whole assembly by riveting the pommel-cap through a hole in the protruding tang, thereby fixing the entire grip onto the blade. The ends of this horizonal-running rivet were then hidden behind the two proud semi-circular garnet cells on the pommel-cap.<br />
<br />
This sounds easy in theory, but the tolerances involved were less than a quarter of a millimetre. After a little judicious filing, the gold bar which secured the assembly slid into place through its aperture, through the tang and into the corresponding hole on the other side. In the case of our reconstruction, the access hole was then plugged by a tight-fitting gold-framed faux-garnet, gently malleted into place.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgks9dln3pxxbU_Wd0THLEu07B6W8Keyrl2dYYOOzZ9oWzzApFV-vun-rCR1nUGrhFPlbgbSPZBuRgUzjmmTzZ55TynFzfemIwEL2wWHlD3svs0PY1y6yP98_LaK-zIrZ4w9p78sHwDsg4/s1600/xhiltpic.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgks9dln3pxxbU_Wd0THLEu07B6W8Keyrl2dYYOOzZ9oWzzApFV-vun-rCR1nUGrhFPlbgbSPZBuRgUzjmmTzZ55TynFzfemIwEL2wWHlD3svs0PY1y6yP98_LaK-zIrZ4w9p78sHwDsg4/s400/xhiltpic.JPG" height="292" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Close-up of the hilt of Staffordshire Hoard seax "Wyrmfang"</td></tr>
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<br />
Fine sanding, oiling, waxing and polishing completed the job. The result is a fine-looking weapon; surprisingly 'modern' with a balance-point at the exact spot where the blade ends and the grip begins. This is quite different than the usual seax which tends to be quite blade-heavy. Weighing 410g or a little under 1lb, this waelseax has an elegance normally reserved in this period for swords. The original must surely have been a kingly possession.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkOIgGJfn7Me5nu74XHqOAAbZENYarywAXBrxOepLKGogh9RgUYT0ZoLuhDB5fa48YqJKFiUQKq6biULW8B04ijcdkdzX3GvThJSL7GaGDslib4gu4OtwRA4lN-556kJCIM2uOBvpa8_0/s1600/xoutpic2.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkOIgGJfn7Me5nu74XHqOAAbZENYarywAXBrxOepLKGogh9RgUYT0ZoLuhDB5fa48YqJKFiUQKq6biULW8B04ijcdkdzX3GvThJSL7GaGDslib4gu4OtwRA4lN-556kJCIM2uOBvpa8_0/s400/xoutpic2.JPG" height="240" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Completed Staffordshire Hoard Seax "Wyrmfang". </td></tr>
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<br />Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6268167025455867633.post-67282678256079569062013-09-01T10:00:00.001+01:002014-01-15T17:07:54.964+00:00The Wollaston / Pioneer Helm<span style="font-size: large;"><b>The Wollaston Helm</b></span> <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>(se bárhelm fram Wulfafes tun)</b></i></span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCESeQ73gquKyqMIUw_2v3WnKWHCWxmfpNg8lvh5w7YFiFTe6vU4-Oc0YyFBvN0s3zX4-PSV612CE7nAB4BXryemx-sBuKsBQyTqmxooQn6iRQ00RusSUXMNekf1G-elBPIqaqtZxyJak/s1600/IMG_3579.JPG" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCESeQ73gquKyqMIUw_2v3WnKWHCWxmfpNg8lvh5w7YFiFTe6vU4-Oc0YyFBvN0s3zX4-PSV612CE7nAB4BXryemx-sBuKsBQyTqmxooQn6iRQ00RusSUXMNekf1G-elBPIqaqtZxyJak/s200/IMG_3579.JPG" width="182" /></a></div>
In
March 1997, an Anglo-Saxon helmet was unearthed by archaeologists in a
gravel-quarry at Wollaston in Eastern Northamptonshire. This was very
exciting, as only three other helmets from this period were known to
exist; the kingly Sutton-Hoo helm, the Coppergate helm from York and the
Benty-Grange helm from Derbyshire. Immediately on hearing the news we
visited Leicester Museum, where a temporary exhibition had been put on.
There I found myself rubbing shoulders with a number of experts on early
English battle-gear and took copious notes, planning a reconstruction
as soon as possible. <br />
<br />
Compared to the splendour of the
reconstructed Sutton-Hoo helm or the virtually intact magnificence of
the ‘Coppergate’, the so-called ‘Pioneer Helm’ was underwhelming, being
plain and functional. Only half had survived the plough; the back
section and one side having been destroyed. Still, there was enough left
to reconstruct and over the next few weeks, a replica of sorts was
produced. It has to be said that I disliked the thing from the beginning
and have never taken it out of the dark recesses of its cabinet. <br />
Recently,
however, we acquired another replica, this time made by Tim Noyes of
Heron Armoury (heronarmoury.co.uk). His version is, to my eyes, much more aesthetically
pleasing and while it will never be as beautiful as its kingly
contemporaries, is worthy of respect as a functional piece of armour. It
is thus worth while examining what was probably the most common type of
iron helmet in Early Anglo-Saxon England. <br />
<br />
<a name='more'></a><br />
<br />
<b>The Excavation</b><br />
The
burial site was situated on slightly higher ground adjacent to the Nene
flood plain and close (250m) to a small group of Bronze-Age barrows. It
was also very near the intersection of two Roman roads. As the
flood-plain here is very flat, a burial mound (<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>beorg</b></i></span>) by the roadside would have been quite obvious. Unfortunately, no evidence of an actual mound or its quarry ditch survived. <br />
<br />
The
grave revealed the remains of a slightly-built young man in his middle
twenties. The skeletal remains, which included teeth, a 15cm fragment of
leg bone and a skull fragment, revealed no clues as to the cause of his
death. The burial was dated to the late 7th century CE from the grave
goods. In addition to the helmet, these included three iron buckles, an
iron eating-knife, two copper-alloy clothing hooks, a bronze
hanging-bowl (decorated with an inlaid Millefiori escutcheon- and
possibly incomplete when deposited), a mysterious assortment of short
iron-rods and tubes and a pattern-welded sword-blade.<br />
<br />
This
sword had obviously been an expensive weapon, as it featured a a
central section of four separated bundles which had been alternately
twisted in an interrupted twist pattern comparable in complexity to the
blade from the kingly Sutton-Hoo Mound-1 burial. There was no sign in
the grave of any metal hilt fittings, which might have been stripped
from the sword prior to deposition for re-use or recycling. It is
unlikely that such an expensive blade would not have had gold
hilt-plates (<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>scennas</b></i></span>) and a gold pommel-cap (<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>cnæpp</b></i></span>). While blades with
totally organic (horn, bone and wood) hilts must have existed, the
discovery of near to a hundred pommel-caps in the Staffordshire Hoard,
suggests that rich, decorative sword fittings may have been the norm
rather than the exception, particularly for the most impressive of
blades. Traces of a leather-covered wooden sword-sheath, lined with
fleece were also found. Traces of feathers and imprint of textiles in
the corrosion-products on the helmet, suggest that the Wollaston Warrior
may have been lain to rest on a feather-mattress. <br />
<br />
The
absence of warrior-gear such as a spearhead or shield-boss is slightly
unusual. This might be a reflection of the shallowness of the grave,
with these items having been lost to the plough or, like the missing
hilt-fittings, may never been placed in the grave in the first place. We
know so little about the Anglo-Saxon grave ritual in reality - perhaps a
sword and helmet were enough to mark the young man as worthy to join
Woden’s Chosen in <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>Wælheall</b></i></span>? <br />
What
is obvious, is that the owner of the helm was of the thegnly or æðeling
class. From the blow-fly pupae cases preserved in the
corrosion-products on the inside of the helmet, it is clear that he did
not die in winter and that there had been some delay between his death
and burial. Maybe he had died on campaign and his body taken home by
his companions. <br />
<br />
<b>The Helmet</b><br />
The most
remarkable discovery found in this grave was, of course, the helmet.
This had been placed by his right hip, maybe placed on a cushion. It had
been hit several times by the plough, which had removed part of its
right side.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/b/b3/Pioneer_Helmet.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/b/b3/Pioneer_Helmet.jpg" width="223" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Remains of the c7th Pioneer Helmet from Wollaston, Northamptonshire </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
During the initial excavation, it was not
clear if this was a helmet or not. With fragmentary and degraded
ferrous-metal items, it is all too easy to label the precious remains of
an Anglo-Saxon helmet as an iron cooking pot, or worse still
vice-versa! One can imagine the academic opprobrium of announcing to the
world a new Anglo-Saxon Helmet for it to turn out to be a pot. Needless
to say, archaeologists are therefore necessarily cautious, as seen with
the 'recent' discovery of the <a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/12/finally-english-spangenhelm-shorwell.html">Shorwell Helm</a>.<br />
<br />
Wisely,
the excavators decided to encase the whole soil-block containing the
iron fragments in plaster-of-Paris bandages and took it back to
Leicester Museum. It was subjected to C.T. scanning, which revealed the
details of the helmet’s construction including the distinctive
boar-crest or <span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>swín-líc</b></i></span>. The
pieces were freed from the soil block and carefully fitted together to
form a high rounded dome. The nasal bar had been bent inwards at the
time of the burial to make it unusable. This so-called ‘ritual killing’
of war-gear seems to have been common practice among folk in the
Germanic Iron Age, as evidenced by the deliberate and systematic
destruction of weapons and equipment found at sites such as Illerup Ådal
in Denmark. Sacrificing valuable war-equipment was thought to please
the gods. More cynically, it also ensured that the item remained in the
grave with the dead warrior, rather than being secretly ‘liberated’
later on by a needy relative or unscrupulous grave-robber. <br />
<br />
<b>Helmet Construction</b><br />
The
helmet-cap was constructed from an iron brow-band, a nose-to-nape band
and a lateral band. The gaps between were in-filled by iron plates
beaten to shape and held together by soft iron rivets. This construction
is very similar to that found in the ‘Coppergate helm’ from York, but
more basic. The Pioneer/Wollaston Helm showed no decoration on the cap
except for three faint parallel incised lines running down the edges of
the bands. As the brow-bands are quite deep, the helm sits quite low,
so, in front the brow-band and the crest-band are cut away to form
eye-holes. As with the Coppergate Helm, the nose-to-nape band extends
downwards to form a long nasal-guard. The edges of the eye-holes are
edged with U-shaped iron strips which extend around the nasal (similar
edgings on the Coppergate are of brass).<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiI6VvdxIrTgxEwHvdIxeRXPbNSR5Zu8bNpV6bkDreceXpV_qvVBAJHLGA5SBcxcdtnQ3druTIfh2TNP3OCeQueXwox-JKsSuSOg-yHO0R8FT-tpXI4i4bssNlfnVMRNk09DhCc9B8nxA0/s1600/IMG_3579b.JPG" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiI6VvdxIrTgxEwHvdIxeRXPbNSR5Zu8bNpV6bkDreceXpV_qvVBAJHLGA5SBcxcdtnQ3druTIfh2TNP3OCeQueXwox-JKsSuSOg-yHO0R8FT-tpXI4i4bssNlfnVMRNk09DhCc9B8nxA0/s400/IMG_3579b.JPG" width="325" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Reconstruction of the Wollaston/Pioneer Helmet, by Tim Noyes*</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
The skull of the helmet is strengthened by simple
hollow D-section ribs running along the middle of the ear-to-ear band
and the nose-to-nape band. This crest extends almost to the tip of the
nasal, strengthening what would otherwise be a weak point, as the nasal
is considerably thinner than that found on the Coppergate Helm. A
similar crest is seen on the Norse Gjermundbu Helm. <br />
<br />
The helmet was fitted with good-sized cheek-pieces (<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>hleorberga</b></i></span>)
attached by simple but functional loop-hinges. As might be expected,
there was a rivet placed in the middle of each cheek-piece for the
attachment of straps, which would been buckled under the chin. Initial
X-rays suggested a neck guard composed of iron strips but this theory
was disproved during excavation in the conservation laboratory. These
mysterious strips of iron are now considered to have been part of a belt
rather than part of the helmet. <br />
A faint brown mineralised
fibrous deposit was preserved in the ferrous corrosion in the interior
of the helmet. This probably was what remained of the leather helmet
lining.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhUBZ5Dsl5d-432wmJFHRkUxZiV84J9Rj0Bb3A31C8ruF2LfcMo2OuGISAv4EY1XDrMsaaL3ma0L2jtzMrU_u4SS9G31AvqHWHZ6mG60abevsBnTpM13_j5TuTXPmycWE-FM9-OrnyaoiI/s1600/IMG_3608.JPG" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhUBZ5Dsl5d-432wmJFHRkUxZiV84J9Rj0Bb3A31C8ruF2LfcMo2OuGISAv4EY1XDrMsaaL3ma0L2jtzMrU_u4SS9G31AvqHWHZ6mG60abevsBnTpM13_j5TuTXPmycWE-FM9-OrnyaoiI/s400/IMG_3608.JPG" width="297" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">For comparison; reconstruction of the 8th century Northumbrian Coppergate Helm from York</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhxYbi08laULWlwcK2Q0CWvgcMNwkN6wqKyS2SVXVx0Wx2t3BjjxNE9TmkXt3inMk2WEJoqwvHToV1ymOeMmwL4Kx8hlxBtKIj_tVuAbXMG8B7iMLDXrD7qeAyasUtJ7-WMDOwxn-C3Avg/s1600/Benty+Grange+2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="231" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhxYbi08laULWlwcK2Q0CWvgcMNwkN6wqKyS2SVXVx0Wx2t3BjjxNE9TmkXt3inMk2WEJoqwvHToV1ymOeMmwL4Kx8hlxBtKIj_tVuAbXMG8B7iMLDXrD7qeAyasUtJ7-WMDOwxn-C3Avg/s320/Benty+Grange+2.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Benty-Grange boar crest, for comparison. The Wollaston's boar is much smaller and simpler. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
The helm was topped by a simple little iron boar.
Boar-crests are mentioned in Beowulf, the best example being the
impressive ‘swine-likeness’ (<span style="color: #38761d;"><i><b>swinlic</b></i></span>) decorating the Benty-Grange helm (see ‘<a href="http://thethegns.blogspot.co.uk/2012/04/boar.html#more">The Boar</a>’ for further discussion).<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3d/Pictish_Stone_at_Aberlemno_Church_Yard_-_Battle_Scene_Detail.jpg/465px-Pictish_Stone_at_Aberlemno_Church_Yard_-_Battle_Scene_Detail.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="400" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3d/Pictish_Stone_at_Aberlemno_Church_Yard_-_Battle_Scene_Detail.jpg/465px-Pictish_Stone_at_Aberlemno_Church_Yard_-_Battle_Scene_Detail.jpg" width="310" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Pictish stone Aberlemno II, depicting warriors wearing Coppergate-Pioneer style helmets</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Both the ‘Pioneer’ and 'Coppergate' helms resemble
the helmets depicted worn by Northumbrian warriors on one of the Pictish
Aberlemno Sculptured Stones. This is believed to depict the Battle of
Dun Nechtain of 685 CE where king Ecgfriþ was heavily defeated by the
Picts. On this evidence one might reasonably speculate that this
helmet-type was the 'standard' Anglian design. Only time and the
discovery of further examples will determine if this hypothesis is
correct.<br />
<br />
<b>Footnote</b><br />
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihLu_Nyq8jwf5j_5auYb9Mn_yNmGLJ0_Rw_nqSfVdKDbBL_5g1GMoWev-fp0epGtw_F3i8yNj9Dz-S8YmCIW3rXGLXBapF091cNhuvcLbTLW3NoRJzMRbFhFsls6_1LUPfrKprKUgbCSg/s1600/IMG_3618.JPG" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihLu_Nyq8jwf5j_5auYb9Mn_yNmGLJ0_Rw_nqSfVdKDbBL_5g1GMoWev-fp0epGtw_F3i8yNj9Dz-S8YmCIW3rXGLXBapF091cNhuvcLbTLW3NoRJzMRbFhFsls6_1LUPfrKprKUgbCSg/s400/IMG_3618.JPG" width="265" /></a><br />
The
helmet is often called the ‘Pioneer Helm’ in thanks for the generosity
of the Pioneer Aggregates who funded the excavation and conservation
work. It was initially understood that the finds would remain on show in
Leicester Museum but not long after they disappeared into bowels of the
‘Royal Armouries, Leeds’, officially on long-term loan from the British
Museum.<br />
<br />
It is the opinion of the author that the Royal
Armouries in Leeds, with its collection of late medieval arms and
armour previously on display at the Tower of London is far from the ideal
placement for the Wollaston Helm, which arguably would be much better
displayed in its proper context among contemporaneous finds, perhaps
back in Leicester, or in a local museum back home.Dr Andrew Thompsonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03733361890995490771noreply@blogger.com